Brook Baker, HEALTH GAP_A

Brook Baker, HEALTH GAP_A

 

Lead Author: Brook Baker
Co-submitters: Co-submitters: Professor Yousuf Vawda, University of KwaZulu Natal, Faculty of Law; Marcus Low, Treatment Access Campaign S.A.; Morgane Ahmare, Coalition-Plus; Saoirse Fitzpatrick, Stop AIDS and Health Poverty Action; Alienor Devaliere, Health Action International; Nuria Homedes, Salud y Farmacos USA; Andrea Carolina Reyes Rojas, Mision Salud Columbia; Maria Lorena Di Giano, Fundicion Grupo Efecto Positivo – Argentina and Red Latinoamericana por el Acceso a Medicamentos (RedLAM); Ludice Lopez Tocon, Health Action International LAC; Luz Marina Umbasia B., Fundacion IFARMA, Marcela Vieira, Associação Brasileira Interdisciplinar de AIDS
Organization: Health Gap; Northeastern University School of Law
Country: USA

Abstract

This contribution calls for radical reform of global and national intellectual property norms on medical technologies for all health needs. It focuses on progressive realization of the right of health and universal, equitable, and affordable access to needed health technologies. This contribution must be considered in combination with other contributions dealing more explicitly with the need to provide adequate funding and effective incentive systems for innovation, for example, the R&D Agreement contribution put forward by MSF, KEI, and others. Efforts to scale back IP rules must be complemented by alternative means to provide resources needed to develop and market products meeting essential health needs.

The current system of global norms requiring strong patent, data, and copyright protections for health technologies results in exclusive rights that ordinarily preclude competition and grant supra-competitive pricing power to right holders. Right holders seek high prices to provide resources for future research and development, marketing, infrastructure, and investor returns. These high prices are unaffordable to the vast majority of the world’s population even in rich countries. Moreover, this system fails to produce medicines for health needs where markets are not lucrative.

This contribution calls for eventually exempting all health technologies for all health conditions from IP protections in international, regional, bilateral, and national law. It calls for an explicit exemption of medical technologies from patent, copyright, and data protections in the WTO TRIPS Agreement, in trade agreements, and in national legislation. It calls for unenforceability of investor rights concerning health technologies. It is designed to encourage robust competition at efficient economies-of-scale leading to lowest, possible sustainable pricing and reduced supply interruptions. Generic producers would be required to meet global good practice in manufacturing and distribution. Nonetheless, to be implementable, policy makers must also replace IP protections with other incentives to resource health-driven innovation.

Submission

Introduction – Statement of the Problem

The global human rights regime contains an enforceable right to health, including the right of access to essential medicines and to the benefits of scientific advancement. These rights are enforceable against one’s own State, but there are also international obligations imposed on other States, multilateral institutions, and private entities to respect and protect the right to health. The current, overlapping regimes of intellectual property rights (IPRs) interfere with the progressive realization of the right to health and of access to health technologies, most commonly for poorer people, but increasingly for people everywhere, even in rich counties. The current intellectual property (IP) system fails to deliver both optimal innovation and universal access to needed medical technologies.

On the innovation side, IPRs are inefficient in several ways: (1) health R&D is driven by market returns from wealthy countries and wealthy patients, not health needs; (2) certain health condition and certain populations, including poor people, children, and marginalized populations, are neglected; (3) R&D is often focused on gaining market share and advantage rather than on patient needs; (4) R&D is conducted secretly and in silos producing duplication, waste, and tunnel vision; (5) too little research is focused on basic science and long-horizon research; (6) patenting of research tools and platforms retards downstream research; (7) patent thickets thwart incremental, follow-on, and break-through innovation; and (8) lax patent standards lead to the proliferation of R&D efforts focused on trivial, secondary patents that extend periods of exclusivity. Contrary to the claims of right holders, governments, and industry-sponsored think tanks, enhanced IP protections do not contribute to development in most low- and middle-income countries and do not promote direct foreign investment, indigenous innovation, technological growth. In fact, the vast majority of health technology patent claims are filed by large transnational firms (with the growing exception of China).

More problematically, global, regional, bilateral, and national IP regimes adversely affect universal, equitable, and affordable access to health technologies, which should be treated as a global public good. An IP-based system of exclusive rights gives medical technology right holders the power to exclude competition and to set prices at what the market will bear. When the market impacts health, and indeed life itself, the monopoly right holder has an even stronger upper hand. These right holders, driven by the goal of maximizing profits, usually set very high prices affordable only to those who are rich, who have medical insurance, or who have governments that can afford to procure the technology. Disproportionately high – indeed exclusionary – prices (compared to per capita income), even when such prices are ‘tiered’, are particularly problematic in low- and middle-income countries with high degrees of income inequality, meaning that the vast number of people who are poor go without. In economic terms, this is called dead-weight loss – in real world health terms, it can just mean death. In the current system of IP maximalization, right holders decide what price they charge, where they market, and what quantities they will produce. Pharmaceutical right holders also have strong incentives to engage in what is euphemistically called product “life-cycle” management, namely efforts to evergreen existing patent exclusivity with secondary patents on minor modification of the chemical/biologic entity, the formulation, and/or dosage; new uses, and new processes. Finally, the monopoly rents available on medical technologies encourages right holders to seek longer and stronger forms of IP protection nationally, regionally, and internationally through trade agreements and otherwise – the IP ratchet always spirals upward.

Proposed IPR reform concerning medical technologies

This contribution explicitly supports and is supplemental to the R&D Agreement contribution submitted by MSF, KEI, and others that focuses on rationalizing and strengthening incentives, and legal frameworks for R&D, that promote innovation and access to health technologies. However, this contribution focuses primarily on access and calls for the dismantling of global, regional, bilateral, and national IP regimes that negatively impact the global community’s access needs. It focuses on patents, the most obvious and important source of exclusivity for right holders, but also on data and regulatory market exclusivities and linkages, trade secret law, and trademark and copyright protections, which are increasingly embedded in operating systems of diagnostics and other health technologies.

At present, the vast majority of countries are members of the World Trade Organization. As members, they are subject to the minimum standards of IP protections set forth in the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Although there are transition periods that still apply to least developed country members, most WTO members are now subject to the whole panoply of IPRs and IP enforcement mechanisms set forth in TRIPS. As such, for IP barriers to be dismantled on health technologies, it will be necessary to amend or otherwise supersede TRIPS’s application to those technologies. The proposed non-application of TRIPS to medical technologies could be accomplished as follows:

Article 6bis:
Exhaustion and Non-Application to Medical Technologies

1. For the purposes of dispute settlement under this Agreement, subject to the provisions in
Articles 3 and 4 nothing in this Agreement shall be used to address the issue of exhaustion of intellectual property rights.
2. Nothing in this Agreement shall apply to medical technologies as defined.

Definition of medical technologies: pharmaceutical and biologic products, vaccines, diagnostics, and related health technologies.

Article 7bis
Right to health and other objectives

The protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights should contribute to the promotion of technological innovation and to the transfer and dissemination of technology, to the mutual advantage of producers and users of technological knowledge and in a manner conducive to social and economic welfare and to the fulfillment of the human right to health, and to a balance of rights and obligations. Members shall not implement the Agreement in a manner that weakens the promotion or protection of the right to health and of access to health technologies.

Article 13 bis
Exemptions, limitations and exceptions

Members shall confine limitations and exceptions to exclusive rights to certain special cases which do not conflict with a normal exploitation of the work and do not unreasonably prejudice the interests of the right holder. This section shall not apply to copyrights, trademarks and related rights embedded in health technologies, including the systems of internet or other transmission of health-related information from a health technology elsewhere.

Article 27(1) bis

Subject to the provisions of paragraph 2, 3, 6, and 7, patents shall be available, whether for products or processes, in all fields of technology, except health technologies, provided that they are new, involve an inventive step and are industrially applicable.

Article 27(4) bis

Members shall exclude health technologies.

Article 39.3bis

3. Members, when requiring, as a condition of approving the marketing of pharmaceutical or of agricultural chemical products which utilize new chemical entities, the submission of undisclosed test or other data, the origination of which involves considerable effort, shall protect such data against unfair commercial use. In addition, Members shall need not protect such data against disclosure, except where such disclosure is necessary to protect the public in the public interest, or unless steps are taken to ensure that the data are protected from unfair commercial use.

In addition to amending the TRIPS Agreement, it will be necessary to formally amend multiple regional and bilateral trade and economic partnership agreements and investment treaties/provisions. Many regional and bilateral trade agreements contain IPR provisions similar to those in the TRIPS Agreement and/or provisions that are TRIPS-plus. These agreements are binding on parties, so to achieve the desired IPR reform, such agreements need to be amended to remove IPR protections on health technologies. There are far too many such agreements to list or discuss, but reform must be undertaken. Similarly, it will be necessary to reform the WIPO Patent Cooperation Treaty to exempt health technologies from patent filings and to do the same with respect to the Harare Protocol (relating to the African Regional Intellectual Property Organization), the Bangui Agreement (relating to the African Intellectual Property Organization), the Eurasian Patent Convention (affecting the Eurasian Patent Organization), and any other relevant regional patent processing entities.

Addressing agreements on IPRs is not enough unless investment agreements are also amended to remove investor protections on health technologies. Just as there was a carve-out for Tobacco in the recently negotiated Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (however imperfect), there could be a new and stronger carve out for health technologies. At present, more and more investment agreements directly cover IPRs and give foreign investor rights to bring private investor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) claims directly to private arbiters. These new IPR enforcement rights are particularly dangerous as they give right holders powers to directly challenge government IP policy and decisions that adversely impact their expectation of unbridled profits, as is currently claimed in the US$500 million Eli Lilly v. Canada ISDS case.

To complete the reform process, it will be necessary to revise IP laws at the national level to incorporate the health technology exclusion. This will be an enormous undertaking technically and politically, even more so where IP is constitutionally protected. Even in these circumstances, if the interests of inventors and creators are adequately protected under a new R&D incentive system, then constitutional requirements may well be satisfied. Similarly, protecting the interests of creators and sometimes inventors under international human rights regimes does not require resort to IPRs. The economic and attributional interests of inventors and creators can be met through other means.

The medical innovation system needs robust funding and effective incentive systems to reward researchers and product developers. However, the removal of IP barriers is designed to create a global market for health technologies, not the fragmented markets that result from more modest IP reform efforts, e.g., opposition systems, compulsory licenses, and voluntary licenses. Moreover, a health technology terrain without IPRs encourages follow-on research, product optimization, and technology adaptation. Countries could phase out IP protections at the same time they scale up other measures – voluntary or mandatory that are coordinated globally – that seeks to reward innovation through other incentives. An aggregated global market would promote competitive markets for producers who could manufacture at efficient economies-of-scale and simultaneously guarantee more redundant and secure sources of supply. Public policy measures might be needed to ensure a healthy and sustainable market, including prices controls where competition is weak, emerging, or dying, and to prevent price collusion and other anticompetitive behaviors. Procurement systems should be coordinated and calibrated to help guarantee the maintenance of sustainable and competitive markets, while allowing for the eventual obsolescence of particular health technologies.

In addition, countries need to impose rigorous product registration standards and procedures and post-market surveillance to guarantee the safety, quality, and efficacy of health technologies. Although regional harmonization of regulatory standards and procedures might certainly be desirable, all countries should seek to ensure that health technologies are produced and distributed pursuant to globally accepted good practice standards.

A potential side benefit of the removal of IP protections on health technologies is the accelerated development of health technology capacity in low- and middle-income countries. Although the goal of total national or even regional health-technology capacity might be elusive, domestic manufacturers will have substantially more freedom to operate in an IPR-free zone. These opportunities would certainly strengthen technological capacity in low- and middle-income countries. Countries could focus their R&D efforts on domestic needs and on optimization, adaptation, and repurposing of existing health technologies to local realities.

Impact on Policy Coherence

The current IP system creates pervasive global incoherence between the right to health and the monopoly interests of IP right holders, except to the extent that the patent system and related data protections and medical technology copyrights incentivize some R&D that focuses on market returns. Global health interests with respect to all medical conditions would be advanced if IP barriers did not preclude better-targeted R&D and greatly expanded access to much more affordable health technologies. The resulting savings could not only be poured back into R&D incentive mechanisms that better target and reward innovation that responds to essential health needs, they would also allow government and individual investments in other priority areas, including health promotion and spending on other public, merit, and private goods.

Impacts on Public Health

The impacts on public health will be enormous. If replaced by a robust R&D incentive system that does not rely upon market monopolies, the elimination of IPR barriers would not only provoke more therapeutically targeted research benefitting all people with respect to all health conditions, it would lead to a revolution in access to health-promoting and health-sustaining technologies. For the first time, if health technologies were as affordable as possible, it would be possible to prevent and treat human illness and disease universally and equitably. No longer would access be dependent solely on place of birth, national income, or personal wealth. Health spending on health technologies would in all probability decrease substantially allowing even more cross-subsidization of health promotion, prevention, treatment, and cure both internationally and domestically. Allocating funding to needs driven R&D, whether to basic research, push funding or pull incentives, would reward true innovation. Instead of rationing health technologies, as currently being done for hepatitis C, countries would for the first time be able to consider true universal access. Universal access is particularly important in overcoming the scourge of infectious diseases, where treatment for all provides herd immunity for diseases like HIV, tuberculosis, malaria, hepatitis, and now Zika. No longer would neglected diseases like Ebola be neglected. Research could be targeted not only on neglected diseases but neglected populations such as pregnant women and children, and the resulting health technologies could be more widely and equitably available. Similarly, the painful global disregard of chronic non-infectious diseases in low- and middle-income countries could be addressed. Instead of newer cancer, arthritis, and orphan disease medicines, e.g., Kadcyla and Solaris, being priced at astronomical levels – unaffordable even in rich countries, these newer medicines could be offered more widely and more affordably.

Impact on Human Rights

Since the right to health and the right of access to well-adapted, affordable health technologies of assured quality are fundamental, the elimination of IPRs on health technologies will greatly enhance the ability of duty bearers to fulfill their human rights obligations. Cash strapped payers across the globe, even rich ones, are struggling to keep pace with price escalation of health technologies. Poorer countries simply cannot do so without price concessions and even then only with donor assistance in purchasing health technologies. But increasingly middle-income countries, where 70-plus percent of the global poor live, cannot afford IP-based prices on essential health technologies. Excessive pricing leads to rejecting needed technologies, rationing, and/or diverting funds from other critical areas of public and private investment. Under conditions of scarcity, exacerbated by high prices, equity is often sacrificed. Not only are the poor and harder to reach rural populations often left behind, but also politically unpopular persons and groups are often excluded from health services. Regrettably, in many contexts, women and children are left behind as their health needs are neglected.

The elimination of IPRs on health technologies would greatly impact the actions of other States and private corporations that at this point are too often focused on increasing IP protections and extracting excess profits. The temptation to negatively impact the right to health and the legal tools to do so are dismantled under this IP reform proposal. In this new era, private companies succeed and are rewarded for R&D that serves the public interest, research that has added diagnostic, therapeutic, and preventative value. Countries would no longer be subject to the relentless lobbying of IP-based health technology companies and can instead work more proactively towards to the global public good of best attainable health for all.

Implementation

Politically, this is likely to be the most challenging and difficult contribution received by the High Level Panel. In a nutshell, it will disrupt the business model of a very rich and powerful set of industries that survive and thrive on a steady and increasing rich diet of expansive IP protections. Moreover, many of these industries have succeeded in capturing the political leadership of their home countries to advance their IP hegemony both domestically and abroad. However, there is a new recognition and a growing clamor that pharmaceutical prices are escalating out of control, as are medical costs more generally. There is increased inequality within and between countries, with clear impacts even in wealthy countries. Even political elites are beginning to hear the public outcry and are responding to the excesses of monopoly pricing. The innovation reforms previously proposed, including for an R&D treaty, cannot succeed unless IP protections for health technologies are simultaneously dismantled. Parenthetically, it may well be that this contribution would have greater chances of success if it were broadened to cover other global public goods including green/climate-control technologies, educational and scientific resources, agricultural and food resources and technologies, and digital technologies.

This contribution and its proposal for major IP reform – indeed IP dismantling – needs to be raised within the UN system. It may be that there are more gradual reform possibilities along the way, for example, a moratorium on the enforcement of the TRIPS Agreement with respect to health technologies, preliminary exclusion of IP protections for essential medicines, compensation and liability schemes in place of exclusive rights, stronger research exceptions and compulsory licensing opportunities, etc. What is clear is that the current push for TRIPS-plus IP protections is unsustainable. As a starting point, there should clearly be a moratorium on TRIPS-plus demands in trade agreements. Similarly, it is clear that all countries, rich and poor, should amend their IP regimes to take advantage of all TRIPS-permissible flexibilities. Nonetheless, these incremental reforms do not go far enough to overcome policy incoherence that undermines innovation, the right to health, and public health more broadly. The time for incrementally and eventually dismantling an ineffective, inequitable, and dangerously expensive IP regime on health technologies has come.

Bibliography and References

Critiques of IP regime

Critiques by Major International Initiatives

COMMISSION ON MACROECONOMICS AND HEALTH, MACROECONOMICS AND HEALTH: INVESTING FOR HEALTH IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (2001) (finding inadequate market incentives for R&D on developing country diseases, favoring more use of compulsory licenses, and the establishment of a global Health Research Fund), http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/42435/1/924154550X.pdf

REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS, INNOVATIONS AND PUBLIC HEALTH (2006) (finding inadequate market incentives for diseases affecting developing countries, the need for new R&D financing mechanisms, and the need for increased adoption and use of TRIPS flexibilities and avoidance of TRIPS-plus measures), http://www.who.int/intellectualproperty/documents/thereport/ENPublicHealthReport.pdf?ua=1

WHO, GLOBAL STRATEGY AND PLAN OF ACTION ON PUBLIC HEALTH, INNOVATION AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY (2011) (finding inadequate market incentives for R&D on type II and III diseases and encouraging and supporting the application and management of intellectual property in a manner that maximizes health-related innovation, especially to meet the research and development needs of developing countries, protects public health and promotes access to medicines for all, as well as explore and implement, where appropriate, possible incentive schemes for research and development), http://www.who.int/phi/publications/Global_Strategy_Plan_Action.pdf

The 45 Adopted Recommendations under the WIPO Development Agenda (2007) (making multiple recommendations on adapting IP policies to the needs and interests of developing countries), http://www.wipo.int/ip-development/en/agenda/recommendations.html

Critiques of patents as incentives for innovation

Adam Mannan & Alan Story, Abolishing the product patent: a step forward for global access to drugs, in POWER OF PILLS: SOCIAL, ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN DRUG DEVELOPMENT, MARKETING AND PRICING, 183 (J. Cohen, P. Illingworth and U. Schüklenk Eds., Ann Arbor, Mi: Pluto Press 2006) (also advocating for abolishment of product patents on medicines).

Michele Boldrin & David K. Levine, Does Intellectual Monopoly Help Innovation?, 5 REV. OF LAW & ECON. 991-1024 (2009) http://www.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1438&context=rle

Michele Boldrin & David K. Levine, The Case against Patents, Fed. Res. Bank of St. Louis Working Paper Series 2012-035A (2012) http://research.stlouisfed.org/wp/2012/2012-035.pdf

Boldrine & Levine: AGAINST INTELLECTUAL MONOPOLY, CH. 9: THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY (2007) http://levine.sscnet.ucla.edu/papers/anew09.pdf

Critiques of IP’s impact on access to medicine

Claudia Chams, Ben Prickril & Joshua Sarnoff, Intellectual property and medicine: Toward global health equity, in INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT: RECENT TRENDS AND FUTURE SCENARIOS (Public Int’l I.P. Advisors 2011) http://piipa.org/images/IP_Book/Chapter_2_-_IP_and_Human_Development.pdf

NEGOTIATING HEALTH: INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY AND ACCESS TO MEDICINES (Pedro Roffe, Geoff Tansey & David Vivas-Eugui eds., 2006)

Project on IPRs and Sustainable Development, INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS: IMPLICATIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT (2003) http://www.ictsd.org/pubs/ictsd_series/iprs/pp/pp_1intro.pdf

Ellen ‘t Hoen, THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF PHARMACEUTICAL MONOPOLY POWER (2009) http://www.msfaccess.org/fileadmin/user_upload/medinnov_accesspatents/01-05_BOOK_tHoen_PoliticsofPharmaPower_defnet.pdf

THE TREATMENT TIMEBOMB: REPORT OF THE INQUIRY OF THE ALL PARTY PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON AIDS INTO LONG-TERM ACCESS TO HIV MEDICINES IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD (2009) http://www.aidsportal.org/repos/APPGTimebomb091.pdf

Sean Flynn, Aidan Hollis, & Mike Palmedo, An Economic Justifications for Open Access to Essential Medicine Patents in Developing Countries, J. LAW, MEDICINE & ETHICS 184-2008 (2009) www.wcl.american.edu/pijip/go/fhp2009

Critiques of IP’s effectiveness in promoting development and innovation in developing countries

Brook K. Baker, Debunking IP-for-Development: Africa Needs IP Space Not IP Shackles in INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC LAW AND AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT, 82-110 (Laurence Boulle, Emmanuel Laryea & Franziska Sucker eds. 2014) (and sources cited)

Less Brantetter, Raymond Fisman, C. Fritz Foley & Kamal Saggi, Intellectual Property Rights, Imitation, and Foreign Direct Investment: Theory and Evidence, NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES 13033 (April 2007) http://www.nber.org/papers/w13033.pdf?new_window=1

Yi Qian, Do National Patent Laws Stimulate Domestic Innovation in a Global Patenting Environment?: A Cross-Country Analysis of Pharmaceutical Patent Protection, 1978-2002, 89 REV. ECON. & STAT. 436-453 (2007) http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1024829#PaperDownload

Tzen Wong, Intellectual property through the lens of human development in INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT: RECENT TRENDS AND FUTURE SCENARIOS (Public Int’l I.P. Advisors 2011) http://www.piipa.org/images/IP_Book/Chapter_1_-_IP_and_Human_Development.pdf

Petra Moser, Patents and Innovation: Evidence from Economic History, 27:1 J. ECON. PERSPECTIVES 23-44 (2013), https://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/jep.27.1.23

Critiques of abuses of IP by right holders

European Commission Competition DG, PHARMACEUTICAL SECTOR INQUIRY: PRELIMINARY REPORT – EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (2008) http://ec.europa.eu/competition/sectors/pharmaceuticals/inquiry/exec_summary_en.pdf

Susan K. Sell, THE GLOBAL IP UPWARD RATCHET, ANTI-COUNTERFEITING AND PIRACY ENFORCEMENT EFFORTS: THE STATE OF PLAY (June 9, 2008) http://www.iqsensato.org/wp-content/uploads/Sell_IP_Enforcement_State_of_Play-OPs_1_June_2008.pdf

Critiques of secondary patent evergreening strategies

Carlos M. Correa, TACKLING THE PROLIFERATION OF PATENTS: HOW TO AVOID UNDUE LIMITATIONS TO COMPETITION AND THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, South Centre Research Paper (2014), http://www.southcentre.int/research-paper-52-august-2014/

Carlos M. Correa, Pharmaceutical Innovation, Incremental Patenting and Compulsory Licensing, SOUTH CENTRE RESEARCH PAPER 41 (2011) http://www.southcentre.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1601%3Apharmaceutical-innovation-incremental-patenting-and-compulsory-licensing&catid=41%3Ainnovation-technology-and-patent-policy&lang=en

Natalie Vernaz et al., Patented Drug Extension Strategies on Healthcare Spending: A Cost-Evaluation Analysis, 10:6 PLOS MEDICINE e1001460 (2013)

Andrew Hitchings, Emma Baker & Teck Khong, Making medicines evergreen, 345 BMJ e7941 (2012)

Tahir Amin & Aaron S. Kesselheim, Secondary Patenting Of Branded Pharmaceuticals: A Case Study Of How Patents On Two HIV Drugs Could Be Extended For Decades, 31 HEALTH AFFAIRS 2286-94 (2012) http://content.healthaffairs.org/content/31/10/2286.full.html

Amy Kapczynski, Chan Park & Bhaven Sampat, Polymorphs and Prodrugs and Salts (Oh My!): An Empirical Analysis of “Secondary” Pharmaceutical Patents, 7:12 PLOS ONE e49470 (2012), http://www.plosone.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0049470&representation=PDF

Reed F. Beall, Jason W. Nickerson, Warren A. Kaplan & Amir Attaran, Is Patent “Evergreening” Restricting Access to Medicine/Device Combination Products?, PLOS ONE 121(2): e0148939, http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0148939

Critiques of IP-based R&D priorities and efficiency

Donald Light & Joel Lexchin, Pharmaceutical research and development: what do we get for all that money?, 344 BMJ e4348 (2012) http://www.bmj.com/highwire/filestream/597113/field_highwire_article_pdf/0/bmj.e4348

Donald Light & Rebecca Warburton, Demythologizing the high cost of pharmaceutical research, 6 BIOSOCIETIES 34-50 (2011) http://www.pharmamyths.net/files/Biosocieties_2011_Myths_of_High_Drug_Research_Costs.pdf

Jack Scannel et al., Diagnosing the declines in pharmaceutical R&D efficiency, 11 NATURE REVIEWS 191-200 (2012) http://www.nature.com/nrd/journal/v11/n3/pdf/nrd3681.pdf

Michael Hay et al., Clinical Development success rate for investigational drugs, 32:1 NATURE BIOTECHNOLOGY 40-51 (2014), http://www.nature.com/nbt/journal/v32/n1/pdf/nbt.2786.pdf

PLoS Medicine, Disease Mongering Collection (2006) http://www.ploscollections.org/article/browseIssue.action?issue=info:doi/10.1371/issue.pcol.v07.i02

Critique of IP’s Impacts on follow-on research

Medical Research and Human Experimental Law, REPORT OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF HEALTH (NIH) WORKING GROUP ON RESEARCH TOOLS (presented to the Advisory Committee to the Director, June 4, 1998) (finding that many researchers were frustrated by growing difficulties and delays in negotiating licensed access to research tools and that access was often costly, burdensome to negotiate, and sometimes unattainable) http://biotech.law.lsu.edu/research/fed/NIH/researchtools/Report98.htm#compet

Michael S. Mireles, An examination of patents, licensing, research tools, and the tragedy of the anticommons in biomedical innovation, 38 University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 141, 191–194 (2005).

John P. Walsh, Ashish Arora & Wesley M. Cohen, The patenting of research tools and biomedical innovations, in PATENTS IN THE KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY (Wesley M. Cohen & Stephen A. Merrill eds., National Academic Press October 2003) (finding negative impacts on the use of patented genetic diagnostic), http://www.nap.edu/read/10770/chapter/11

Critiques of Impacts of Free Trade Agreements

Xavier Seuba, FREE TRADE OF PHARMACEUTICAL PRODUCTS: THE LIMITS OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY ENFORCEMENT AT THE BORDER, Programme on IPRs and Sustainable Development Series • Issue Paper 27 (2010) http://ictsd.org/i/publications/74589/

UNDP/UNAIDS ISSUE BRIEF, THE POTENTIAL IMPACTS OF FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS ON PUBLIC HEALTH (2012) http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/documents/unaidspublication/2012/JC2349_Issue_Brief_Free-Trade-Agreements_en.pdf

UNITAID, TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT: IMPLICATIONS FOR ACCESS TO MEDICINES AND PUBLIC HEALTH (2014), http://www.unitaid.eu/en/rss-unitaid/1339-the-trans-pacific-partnership-agreement-implications-for-access-to-medicines-and-public-health

Brook K. Baker & Katrina Geddes, Corporate Power Unbound: Investor-State Arbitration of IP Monopolies on Medicines – Eli Lilly v. Canada and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (forthcoming J. INTEL. PROP. L. 2016)

Brook K. Baker, Ending drug registration apartheid – taming data exclusivity and patent/registration linkage, 34 AM. J. LAW & MED. 303-344 (2008)

Brook K. Baker, Arthritic Flexibilities for Accessing Medicines, Analysis of WTO Action Regarding Paragraph 6 of the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, 14 IND. INT’L & COMP. L. REV. 613-715 (2004).

Critiques aimed at increasing use of flexibilities

UNDP, GOOD PRACTICE GUIDE: IMPROVING ACCESS TO TREATMENT BY UTILIZING PUBLIC HEALTH FLEXIBILITIES IN THE WTO TRIPS AGREEMENT (UNDP: New York, 2010)

UNDP, USING COMPETITION LAW TO PROMOTE ACCESS TO HEALTH TECHNOLOGIES A GUIDEBOOK FOR LOW-AND-MIDDLE INCOME COUNTRIES (UNDP: New York, 2014)

F.M. Abbott & R. Van Puymbroeck, COMPULSORY LICENSING FOR PUBLIC HEALTH: A GUIDE AND MODEL DOCUMENTS FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DOHA DECLARATION PARAGRAPH 6 DECISION (Washington: World Bank, 2005)

PROCESSES AND ISSUES FOR IMPROVING ACCESS TO MEDICINES: WILLINGNESS AND ABILITY TO UTILIZE TRIPS FLEXIBILITIES IN NON-PRODUCING COUNTRIES, U.K. Dept. for Int’l Development, Health Systems Resource Centre (Commissioned Sept. 2004) http://www.iprsonline.org/resources/docs/Baker_TRIPS_Flex.pdf

WHO, GLOBALIZATION, TRIPS AND ACCESS TO PHARMACEUTICALS, WHO POLICY PERSPECTIVES ON MEDICINES NO. 3 (Geneva: WHO, 2001), WHO/EDM/2001.2, whqlibdoc.who.int/hq/2001/WHO_EDM_2001.2.pdf

Critiques based on Human Rights and right of access to medicines for all

Commission on Intellectual Property Rights, INTEGRATING INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS AND DEVELOPMENT POLICY (London: The Commission, 2002) (finding that the demands of healthcare should determine IPRs and that IPRs should be monitored to ensure they meet healthcare objective and do not interfere with developing country access and urging developing countries to adopt maximum patenting standards and flexibilities in domestic legislation), http://www.iprcommission.org/papers/pdfs/final_report/ciprfullfinal.pdf

GLOBAL COMMISSION ON HIV AND THE LAW: RISKS, RIGHTS & HEALTH (2012) (finding that TRIPS flexibilities have proved insufficient in obviating the shortages of affordable medicines that TRIPS itself has contributed to creating and that the TRIPS regime was not delivering promised innovation, and calling for a moratorium on the enforcement of pharmaceutical IP, http://www.hivlawcommission.org/resources/report/FinalReport-Risks,Rights &Health-EN.pdfOHCHR, The Impact of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights on Human Rights: Report of the High Commissioner, UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2001/13 (27 June 2001), paras. 42-44

UNAIDS & OHCHR, INTERNATIONAL GUIDELINES ON HIV/AIDS AND HUMAN RIGHTS, 2006 CONSOLIDATED VERSION, GUIDELINE 6 (revised) (ensuring that international agreements, such as those dealing with intellectual property, do not impede access to health care technologies; ensuring that their domestic legislation incorporates to the fullest extent any safeguards and flexibilities in such international agreements that may be used to promote and ensure access to medicines, diagnostics and related technologies, and that they make use of these safeguards to the extent necessary to satisfy their domestic and international obligations in relation to human rights; and reviewing said international agreements to ensure their consistency with human rights obligations, and amending them as necessary), http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/sub_landing/files/jc1252-internguidelines_en.pdf

Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, UN Doc. A/69/299, (2014) (calling for a review of investment treaties and investor-state dispute settlement), http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N14/501/83/PDF/N1450183.pdf?OpenElement

Report of the Independent Expert on the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order, UN Doc. A/70/285 (2015) (same), http://www.rightingfinance.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/his-report-to-the-General-Assembly.pdf.

Report of the Special Rapporteur in the field of cultural rights, UN Doc. A/70/279 (2015) (noting that patent policies and practice may divert research priorities away from matters of greatest public concern, that IP can be ineffective in stimulating necessary R&D, that there are alternative mechanisms for stimulating research, and that patents can get in the way of producing an improved dependent technology; finding that implementing unreasonably strong patent protection may constitute a violation of human rights and reaffirming that there is no human right to patent protection in article 15 of ICESCR; and calling for exploration and adoption of alternative incentive model for technological innovation), http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/243/83/PDF/N1524383.pdf?OpenElement

Brook K. Baker, Placing Access to Essential Medicines on the Human Rights Agenda, in THE POWER OF PILLS: SOCIAL, ETHICAL & LEGAL ISSUES IN DRUG DEVELOPMENT, MARKETING & PRICING 239-46 (Jillian C. Cohen, Patricia Illingworth & Udo Schuklenk eds., 2006

Yousuf Vawda & Brook Baker, Achieving Social Justice in the Intellectual Property Debate: Realising the Goal of Access to Medicines, 13 AFRICA HUMAN RIGHTS L. J. 57-84 (2013) http://www.ahrlj.up.ac.za/images/ahrlj/2013/ahrlj_vol13_no1_2013_vawda_baker.pdf

Richard Elliott, TRIPS AND RIGHTS: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW, ACCESS TO MEDICINES AND THE INTERPRETATION OF THE WTO AGREEMENT ON TRADE-RELATED ASPECTS OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY (2001)

Lisa Forman & Jillian Clare Kohler, Introduction: Access to Medicines as a Human Right – What Does it Mean for Pharmaceutical Company Responsibilities in ACCESS TO MEDICINES AS A HUMAN RIGHT – WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR PHARMACEUTICAL COMPANY RESPONSIBILITY (2012), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2159263

Alicia Ely Yamin, Not Just a Tragedy: Access to Medications as a Right under International Law, 21 B.U. INT’L L.J. 325 (2003), http://www.cptech.org/ip/health/cl/yamin03012004.pdf

Fred Abbott, Intellectual Property and Public Health: Meeting the Challenge of Sustainability, GLOBAL HEALTH PROGRAMME WORKING PAPER NO. 7 (2011), http://www.law.fsu.edu/events/documents/Abbott.pdf

Brook K. Baker & Tenu Avafia, THE EVOLUTION OF IPRS FROM HUMBLE BEGINNINGS TO THE MODERN DAY TRIPS-PLUS ERA: IMPLICATIONS FOR TREATMENT ACCESS, UNDP/UNAIDS Global Commission on HIV and the Law (commissioned June 2011) http://www.hivlawcommission.org/index.php/working-papers?start=10

Tenu Avafia & Brook K. Baker, Laws and Practices That Facilitate or Impede HIV-Related Treatment Access, GLOBAL COMM. ON HIV AND THE LAW WORKING PAPER (2010), http://www.hivlawcommission.org/resources/background-papers/Background-Paper-Laws-and-Practices-that-Facilitate-or-Impede-HIV-Related-Treatment-Access-2010.pdf

MICHAEL SEIDERS, Bristol-Myers Squibb Company

MICHAEL SEIDERS, Bristol-Myers Squibb Company

Lead Author: Michael Seiders
Organization: Bristol-Myers Squibb Company
Country: USA

Abstract

A Holistic View of Barriers to Patient Access to Medicines:

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 3.8 calls upon the world to “achieve universal health coverage (UHC), and provide access to safe and effective medicines and vaccines for all.” Although great progress has been made regarding access to medicines over the last few decades, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that over 2 billion people still do not have access to even the most essential medicines. Despite the ongoing development of transformational new medicines and expanding availability of generic drugs, for many, even basic healthcare services are beyond their reach. Weak systems and incoherent policies exacerbate inequalities rather than resolving them, making poverty both a primary determinant and ongoing consequence of poor access to healthcare.

Access to medicines is a highly complex issue. It is often argued that the price of medicines and the protection of intellectual property (IP) rights are barriers to access to medicines. However, the reality is that the most immediate systemic access obstacles for billions of people are more basic and localized such as a lack of health care funding and infrastructure/capacity; limited numbers of local health care practitioners ; long regulatory delays ; poor public health education; local government imposed taxes and trade barriers ; unstable political environments and a lack of electricity and available clean water.

Nearly three-fourths of the world’s poor live in countries now classified as middle-income countries (MICs) with the access issue compounded by large income disparities across the population. Many governments are considering options for UHC; however, even in growing economies, governments face uncertainties in the ability to finance sustainable expanded coverage. Furthermore, many large multilateral and bilateral funders are increasingly focusing limited resources to the lowest income countries, creating a dynamic in which some lower income people living in MICs may have less access to medicines than some people in lower-income countries.

Due to the lack of viable insurance systems in many low-and-middle-income countries (LMICs), total out-of-pocket spending can represent 90% of private health spending in these countries, as compared with only 15% in high-income countries. As a result, 150 million people each year in LMICs suffer financial hardship. The WHO opines that UHC will be very difficult to achieve if out-of-pocket expenditures as a percentage of total health spending is 30% or above.


Industry Efforts to Respond to Global Access Challenges:

In response to access challenges, pharmaceutical companies, both individually and collectively, and NGOs such as PEPFAR , the Global Fund to Fight AIDS and the Gates Foundation have donated product and tens of billions of dollars, all in a collective effort to increase access to medicines and health care across geographies. Such organizations have also established philanthropic programs aimed at addressing fundamental health care infrastructure and capacity issues in developing countries. Some companies, including BMS, are engaged in voluntary licensing of IP to generic manufacturers in another effort to increase access to medicines in developing countries. Yet even with all these mechanisms in place, major gaps in access to medicines remain.


Intellectual Property’s Role in Facilitating Innovation:

Any genuine commitment to improving access to medicines must meet short and long-term objectives - supplying the medicines of today and tomorrow to patients while continuing to enable and encourage an innovative ecosystem necessary to foster the development of new medicines. IP is a critical and proven facilitator of innovation and an enabler of both short and longer-term access to medicines. For a product to be accessible, it must first be available.

The vast majority of important medicines owe their existence to the R&D activities of the biopharmaceutical industry. In fact, 91% of drugs are developed by the private sector with no direct government role. Industry has developed more than 550 medicines in the last 15 years for some of the world’s most critical and emerging health needs, including antibiotics, vaccines, and recent transformational medicines for cancer, cardiovascular disease, viral infections and diabetes. During the past 5 years, 182 novel drugs to treat major public health concerns have been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA). (SDG 9)

That spirit of innovation continues to this day with 45 FDA approved new medicines in 2015 alone. Industry continues to be instrumental in exploratory research, as well as translating research into patient-ready life-saving and life-enhancing medicines for those in need. The development and discovery of new medicines, including those which may address or be modified to address the unmet medical needs of local populations, is a byproduct of strong IP protection. IP protection is by its nature time-limited, but the benefits of access to the patients are not; they are much longer-term. Appendix I contains examples of innovative biopharmaceutical success stories (SDGs 1, 3 and 9) and the transformational impact on the lives of millions patients.


Strong Intellectual Property Protection Benefits Developing Countries:

The mutually reinforcing nature of robust IP law and the existence of the generic drug industry is often overlooked. The generic business model relies for its cost-savings on an R&D cycle funded and conducted by innovators, without which there would be no medicines to copy. Stronger IP regimes actually promote the dissemination of new medicines. Thus, the IP-based incentives that drive the innovation cycle are just as critical to the future of generic medicines as they are to innovative medicines. (SDGs 1, 3 and 9)

• Strong IP protection results in faster launch and faster access to new medicines in developing countries and results in the introduction of many medicines that would not otherwise be available in those countries at all (in either brand or generic form).

• Innovator launch of a medicine in a developing country, driven by IP, “materially improves access to that medicine [by a factor of 7, on average] compared with instances or time periods when a generic provider” launches.

• Patient compliance and health outcomes improve when IP acts as an incentive for innovators to develop a local market, as compared with generic launches.

• Recent studies have shown that developing countries that adopt strategies that impair IPRs tend to pay more for drugs than those that respect IPRs, undermining the access objectives. In a review of HIV/AIDS antiretroviral medicine purchases reported to the WHO and the Global Fund, researchers determined that countries that used compulsory licensing to manufacture or import generic antiretroviral medicines paid more than those who negotiated for the best branded or generic deal. The typical premium paid by countries with a compulsory license program was 83 percent.


Considerable Barriers Limit Access Even When No Intellectual Property Applies:

Several notable examples:

• 95% of essential medicines, as defined by the WHO, are off patent, but still one third of the world’s population does not have reliable access to them and, in parts of Africa and Asia, that is true for half the population.

• Despite all the current mechanisms in place to facilitate no-or-low costs access to non-patented HIV medicines, only 15.8 million of the estimated 36.9 million people living with HIV globally (about 43%) were accessing treatment in 2014.

• Despite the wide availability of no-or-very low cost non-patented HIV medicines, in at least 14 African countries, 80% or more of people who were estimated to be eligible for treatment under the WHO guidelines were not receiving antiretroviral therapy as of 2013.

• First-line treatments for killer diseases like malaria and TB are available as generic products at very low cost, and yet many people are denied access to them.

• Despite the availability of free medicines for Onchocerciasis or River Blindness, since 1987, the US Center for Disease Control currently estimates around 37 million cases still exist; 99% of which are in Africa,

• According to the WHO, an estimated 649 million people, or about 50% of the population in India do not have regular access to the hundreds of non-patented drugs on India’s EML. Despite its large domestic generic drug industry, India’s investment in health as a percentage of its GDP has averaged around 4% for the last decade. India’s current level of 4.5% is one of the lowest figures in the world ranking it below such countries as Haiti and Ethiopia.


BMS Efforts to Address the Unmet Medical Needs of Patients:

Recognizing the differences in access challenges among countries, BMS is pursuing solutions adapted to regional or local country situations. Creating and ensuring strong and functional health systems is absolutely essential to improving access to medicines. From delivering innovative patient solutions, to strengthening healthcare infrastructure and increasing disease awareness, to improving affordability and developing patient assistance programs, we are engaged with a wide range of stakeholders to understand local challenges and work together in developing long-term and sustainable patient access solutions. Above all, access to medicine is a shared responsibility, across many stakeholders and BMS is committed to seeking collaborative solutions with governments, NGOs and other relevant stakeholders in achieving better health outcomes, The following examples highlight current BMS initiatives that could be scaled to achieve greater impact on health outcomes, improve policy coherence and public health and advance human rights.

The Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation:

The mission of the Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation is to promote health equity and improve the health outcomes of populations disproportionately affected by serious diseases and conditions by strengthening community-based health care worker capacity, integrating medical care and community-based supportive services, and mobilizing communities in the fight against disease. The Foundation engages partners to develop, execute, evaluate and promote innovative programs to help patients with HIV and comorbid diseases such as cervical and breast cancers, tuberculosis and mental health disorders in sub-Saharan Africa; hepatitis B and C in China and India and type 2 diabetes in China and India. (SDGs 1 and 3). The Foundation also is working to build cancer nursing capacity in Central and Eastern Europe. BMS Foundation Programs are outlined in Appendix B with specific patient, public policy and sustainability metrics listed in Appendix C.


BMS Non-Foundation Activities: HIV/AIDS, Hepatitis C and Cancer:

BMS is very active in in advancing access to medicines for patients in need from a corporate standpoint as well. Over the last 15 years, BMS has engaged in several groundbreaking initiatives in HIV, HCV and Cancer.

Our HIV Global Access Program, established in 2000, has helped increase access to our antiretroviral (ARV) medicines for HIV many patients around the world. The program is built around three pillars: Pricing Policy; Patent Policy and Partnerships.

In HCV, recognizing the disproportionate burden of disease in developing nations, BMS has executed a strategy aimed at increasing access to our HCV medicine, Daklinza (daclatasvir), in LMIC. Building on our experiences in HIV, we have implemented a multipronged approach with: Tiered Pricing; Voluntary Licensing with the Medicines Patent Pool (MPP) and Collaborations. Dr. Margaret Chan, WHO Director-General recently commented on the daclatasvir/MPP agreement: “This agreement could change the lives of millions of people with Hepatitis C. It’s a vital step towards ensuring essential treatments are available to all who need them, both rich and poor.”

In Cancer, we are working with PAHO in the Americas to improve the quality and effectiveness of national breast and cervical cancer programs and the quality and completeness of national cancer registries in the region.

BMS specific company HIV, Hepatitis C and Cancer programs are explained in greater detail in Appendix D.


Conclusion:

Focusing on the unmet medical needs of patients, BMS has embraced a holistic approach, implementing innovative programs designed to enable access to medicines by overcoming structural barriers and policy incoherence in collaboration with governments and multilateral organizations. Similarly in our access efforts, we are improving affordability and accessibility of medicines for countless patients, strengthening local economies and training thousands of health care workers on the ground.

Maintaining and expanding access to quality health care is a shared responsibility that requires bringing together complementary capabilities and stakeholders to drive system-wide changes. Continued innovation is needed to address current and future unmet medical and healthcare needs. As a founding signatory to the Business for Social Responsibility Guiding Principles on Access to Healthcare , BMS embraces the important role we play and accepts its responsibility in striving to address and solve global health challenges.

The United Nations High Level Panel should consider access solutions based on accurate assessments, solicit input of all relevant stakeholders and address access barriers in a holistic way. Mechanisms proposing to increase limitations or exceptions to IP protection will erode incentives to innovate and dilute desired policy goals by undermining the very foundations that underpin patient access to medicines. Removing IP protections will do nothing to address many of the access barriers cited in this submission. It is not a strategy that will enable greater access to medicines for more people; rather, we believe it will ultimately have the opposite effect for patients.

Bristol-Myers Squibb appreciates this opportunity to comment.

Appendix, Bibliography, References

Appendix A: Biopharmaceutical Innovation Success Stories:

Atrial Fibrillation (AF): AF is the most common cardiac arrhythmia (irregular heart beat). The majority of AF patients have non-valvular atrial fibrillation (NVAF) and the risk of stroke is five times higher in this patient population. For decades, the standard of care for NVAF required routine blood testing and frequent dose adjustments. While a risk of bleeding is associated with all oral anticoagulants, novel oral anticoagulants (NOACs) that now exist offer potential advantages over previous treatments, including fewer drug interactions and fixed doses, without the need for routine blood testing.

Cancer: Thanks to medical innovation, people with cancer are living longer with added societal benefits. Fifteen years ago, the average life expectancy for Chronic Myeloid Leukemia was five years, today it is largely a chronic disease. In the U.S., between 1990 and 2013, the 43 million life-years saved from cancer have generated about $4.7 trillion in added income. In another study, medicines specifically account for 50 percent to 60 percent of increases in survival rates since 1975. Advances in science are leading to innovations in cancer treatments that are fundamentally different than traditional therapy such as radiation and chemotherapy. Immuno-Oncology agents are groundbreaking modalities designed to use the body’s own immune system to fight cancer, and are being studied for their potential to improve quality and length of survival in multiple tumor types. Prior to the availability of IO treatment options, 25% of melanoma patients survived 1 year. This increased to 74% with IO therapy.

Hepatitis C (HCV): As recently as 1989, the virus behind this disease was not well understood, only being referred to as non-A, non-B Hepatitis. Until 2013, the standard of care offered comparatively limited efficacy, had harsh side effects and was inconvenient for patients. With the very recent advent of Direct Acting Antiviral (DAA) therapy, cure rates are now approaching 100 percent even in many difficult to treat patient types.

HIV/AIDS: Patients diagnosed with AIDS in 1990 could expect to live only months, during which time they would be likely to contract a number of other infections. In the 30-plus years since the discovery of the HIV virus, more than 30 medicines have been approved to treat HIV infection. Over time, medicines have improved in tolerability, efficacy and convenience. Today, a patient who receives HIV antiretroviral therapy may expect to have a lifespan approaching that of someone who does not have HIV.

Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA): As late as the 1990s, the most often used agents against this incapacitating disease were gold salts with debilitating side effects, limited efficacy and slow onset of action. Today, thanks to earlier diagnosis and innovative treatments, bone abnormalities in patients with RA are much less frequent. In addition to being able to better manage the symptoms of the disease, newer biologic medicines and disease modifying anti-rheumatic drugs (DMARDs) allow physicians to directly target the disease, slow the progression of joint damage and even possibly put the disease into remission.


Appendix B: Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation Programs in Developing and Emerging Markets:

• SECURE THE FUTURE: The Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation’s landmark program continues to provide community-based care and support to people living with HIV/AIDS. The Foundation has committed more than $180 million to more than 250 projects throughout the region since it was launched in 1999. Its Technical Assistance Programme is a unique south-south skills transfer initiative active in South Africa, Swaziland, Lesotho, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania and Zimbabwe to strengthen community-based services and health care worker training for adolescents and the elderly living with HIV and for HIV patients who suffer co-morbidities, including female cancers and tuberculosis.

SECURE THE FUTURE supports the ENGAGE-TB Approach of the World Health Organization’s Global TB Programme by funding pilot programmes in five countries in sub-Saharan Africa to strengthen community-based care for patients with tuberculosis (TB), the leading killer of people living with HIV. BMS SECURE THE FUTURE partners are linked here.

Working with the Baylor International Pediatrics AIDS Initiative at the Baylor College of Medicine and with governments in sub-Saharan Africa, the Foundation helped establish five Children’s Clinical Centers of Excellence in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Uganda and Tanzania, a network of eight satellite clinics and a Pediatric AIDS Corps of pediatricians and specialists. More than 275,000 children are receiving care through this network with almost 36 percent of the children now in adolescents and teen years.

Now operating as a technical assistance and skills transfer program, STF focuses on harnessing and strengthening community-based resources and building capacity to improve the effectiveness and sustainability of community outreach programs.

The Foundation also is collaborating with prestigious partners such as the World Health Organization, UNAIDS, the President's Emergency Program on AIDS Relief and the Pink Ribbon Red Ribbon initiative of the George W. Bush Institute among others to leverage the legacy and infrastructure of SECURE THE FUTURE in Africa to help HIV patients who are co-infected with tuberculosis or who may be at risk of developing cervical or breast cancers.


• Delivering Hope: Since 2002, Delivering Hope™ initiative has been helping communities and health care workers in China and India effectively raise awareness about the dangers of hepatitis B and hepatitis C, inform health policy and national programs, build the capacity of health care providers and communities to address these diseases, and promote disease prevention in the hardest-hit and greatest at-risk populations.

Delivering Hope has awarded more than US $15 million to 50 projects in Asia since 2002. In China alone, more than 8 million people who are at high risk of hepatitis infection have benefitted from Delivering Hope programs over the past decade. Partners for the program are linked here.

To extend the impact of these projects into the future, in 2013 the Foundation established three Centers of Excellence to more broadly share successful, innovative and evidence-based practices and more comprehensively address viral hepatitis among vulnerable populations in China and India. One Center of Excellence is located at the China Foundation for Hepatitis Prevention and Control (CFHPC). The others are in India at the Liver Foundation of West Bengal (UFWB) and at the Hope Initiative in Uttar Pradesh. These Centers will scale up and replicate evidence-based community interventions developed by previous Foundation-funded projects and also inform public policy in liver and metabolic diseases.


• Together on Diabetes: More than 92 million people in China – about 9% of the population – were living with type 2 diabetes in 2012, the most of any country. That figure is projected to grow to about 130 million, or 12% of the population, by 2030. India, which has 63 million people diagnosed with type 2 diabetes (9%), ranks second only to the U.S. in terms of prevalence. By 2030, India will have more than 101 million people living with type 2 diabetes.

Together on Diabetes is building on the work of the Foundation’s Delivering Hope™ initiative to address hepatitis B and C in Asia. Together on Diabetes has funded nine projects in China and India to reduce diabetes-related health disparities by strengthening community-based health care worker capacity and integrating medical care and community-based supportive services. BMS Partners on Together on Diabetes are linked here.


• Bridging Cancer Care: iEach year, more than 14 million people are diagnosed with cancer and 8 million people worldwide die from cancer. About six in 10 cancer deaths occur in less developed regions and disparities in cancer persist among the poor, racial minorities and vulnerable people. The Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation is working to change that for people living with lung, skin and cervical cancers.

The Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation supports innovative, community-based programs that address the needs for cancer care and patient support among disparity populations in the United States, Central and Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Over the years, the Foundation and its partners around the world have:
o Increased the skills and capacity of oncology nurses in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)
o Established Centers of Excellence for nursing practice, smoking cessation and palliative care in the CEE region. BMS Bridging Cancer Care partners are linked here.
o Partnered with the George W. Bush Institute, Susan G. Komen, UNAIDS, USAID/PEPFAR and others in the Pink Ribbon Red Ribbon coalition to address cervical and breast cancers among women living with HIV in Africa.


Appendix C: Data Metrics on Specific Bristol-Myers Squibb Foundation Programs:

Secure The Future:
• Patients: SECURE THE FUTURE has reached over 185,000 disproportionately affected populations and diagnosed over 1,400 patients with targeted diseases;
• Projects: Funded 57 projects, including 16 in 2015, with over 211 separate partnerships;
• Policy: 68% of projects have contributed to overall health equity. 63% of projects have resulted in changes in health policy and 95% of projects have resulted in changing established standards of care;
• Training: Trained over 185,000 healthcare workers and established 5 project that resulted in improved community support structures. 79% of projects offer healthcare worker skills enhancement;
• Sustainability: 91% of all SECURE THE FUTURE projects have been sustained and 45% have been replicated.


Delivering Hope:
• Patients: Delivering Hope has reached nearly 90,000 disproportionately affected populations and diagnosed over 1,600 patients with targeted diseases;
• Projects: Funded 14 projects, including 1 in 2015, with over 339 separate partnerships;
• Policy: 93% of projects have contributed to overall health equity. 57% of projects have resulted in changes in health policy and 89% of projects have resulted in changing established standards of care;
• Training: Trained over 91,000 healthcare workers and established 1 project that resulted in improved community support structures. 86% of projects offer healthcare worker skills enhancement;
• Sustainability: 90% of all Delivering Hope projects have been sustained and 83% have been replicated.


Together on Diabetes:
• Patients: Together on Diabetes has reached nearly 92,000 disproportionately affected populations and diagnosed over 99,000 patients with targeted diseases;
• Projects: Funded 9 projects with over 111 separate partnerships;
• Policy: 100% of projects have contributed to overall health equity. 80% of projects have resulted in changes in health policy and 100% of projects have resulted in changing established standards of care;
• Training: Trained nearly 18,000 healthcare workers and established 9 projects that resulted in improved community support structures. 78% of projects offer healthcare worker skills enhancement;
• Sustainability: 100% of all Together on Diabetes projects have been sustained and 83% have been replicated.


Bridging Cancer Care:
• Patients: Bridging Cancer Care has reached nearly 50,000 disproportionately affected populations and diagnosed 142 patients with targeted diseases through screening;
• Projects: Funded 20 projects, including 1 new project in 2015, with over 161 separate partnerships;
• Policy: 77% of projects have contributed to overall health equity. 25% of projects have resulted in changes in health policy and 83% of projects have resulted in changing established standards of care;
• Training: Trained over 9,400 healthcare workers and established 11 projects that resulted in improved community support structures. 100% of projects offer healthcare worker skills enhancement;
• Sustainability: 100% of all Bridging Cancer Care projects have been sustained and 58% have been replicated.


Appendix D: Specific Information Regarding BMS Programs to Enhance Patient Access in HIV, Hepatitis C and Cancer:


HIV: Established in 2000, the BMS Global HIV Access Program has helped increase access to our antiretroviral (ARV) medicines for HIV patients around the world. The program is built around three pillars:

• Pricing Policy: In sub-Saharan Africa and low-income countries, areas hit the hardest by the AIDS pandemic, Bristol-Myers Squibb maintains a pricing policy that reflects no profit to BMS on our ARVs [Zerit (stavudine), Videx (didanosine), and Reyataz (atazanavir)]. In other middle income countries, the company has instituted tiered pricing that takes into consideration factors including affordability and government commitment to care.

• Patent Policy: BMS maintains a HIV medicines patent policy that reflects our commitment to access through generic manufacturer participation in many developing countries. Since 2001, BMS has entered into over a dozen royalty-free licensing agreements with generic manufacturers to encourage them to manufacture and supply these important medicines to developing countries. At present, there are more than 15 generic formulations of BMS-developed ARVs with WHO Pre-Qualification status.

In 2013, BMS entered into a License and Technology Transfer Agreement with the United Nations-backed and UNITAID funded Medicines Patent Pool (MPP) for atazanavir. This agreement was the first entered into by the MPP for a WHO preferred 2nd-line treatment. The 110-country territory of this agreement covers 88.5% of people living with HIV/AIDS in the developing world. Of significance, BMS has opted not to collect any royalties on the sale of licensed product. The agreement also allows for the creation of fixed-dose combinations by the licensee. The number of patients receiving licensed atazanavir has grown by 900%, and encouragingly, the WHO forecasts substantially increased use of atazanavir in the developing world over the next 5+ years.

• Partnerships: A health threat of the enormity of HIV is not one that can be solved by any single stakeholder or sector of society. As such, the cornerstone of our access approach is to work collaboratively with partners who share in a commitment to the fight against HIV/AIDS. In 2000, BMS was one of the five founding industry members of the Accelerating Access Initiative (AAI). The non-industry partners of the AAI are the WHO, United Nations Population Fund, United Nations Children’s Fund, World Bank, and the UNAIDS Secretariat. Individually and collectively, members of AAI worked to address affordability constraints and increase access to HIV/AIDS care and treatment in developing countries. Through collaborative efforts such as the AAI and others, the number of people with access to treatment in low- and middle-income countries has increased from figures measured in the thousands in 2000 to over 15 million people in 2015. These figures provide evidence to the power of multi-stakeholder collaboration but also highlight the existence other access challenges, beyond affordable medicines.


Hepatitis C: The World Health Organization estimates Hepatitis C to be a disease that globally impacts as many as 185 million patients as well as their families and the communities they live in. Over 80% of patients infected with the Hepatitis C virus live in LMIC. Recognizing the disproportionate burden of disease in developing nations, BMS has executed a strategy aimed at increasing access to our Hepatitis C medicine, Daklinza (daclatasvir), in LMIC. Building on our experiences in HIV, we have implemented a multipronged approach:

• Tiered Pricing: BMS has implemented a tiered pricing approach to Daklinza which takes into consideration a country’s economic development and burden of disease, as well as government commitment to holistically address Hepatitis C. The lowest pricing tier applies to all low-income and least developed countries.

• Medicines Patent Pool / Voluntary Licensing: In addition, our access-enabling strategy includes voluntary licensing of our daclatasvir patents and know-how in 112 countries where nearly two-thirds of all patients living with hepatitis C in LMICs reside. In November 2015, building on the previous success of the collaboration with the Medicines Patent Pool, BMS entered into a voluntary License and Technology Transfer Agreement for daclatasvir with the MPP. This agreement represents the first entry of the MPP into Hepatitis C. The royalty-free agreement also allows for the creation of fixed dose combinations and provides sub-licensees with BMS know-how to facilitate rapid availability of licensed product in the territory. The significance of this collaboration and the resulting agreement was noted by Dr. Margaret Chan, WHO Director-General who said “This agreement could change the lives of millions of people with hepatitis C. It’s a vital step towards ensuring essential treatments are available to all who need them, both rich and poor.” (SDGs 1 and 3).

• Collaborations: BMS believes that a collation approach that brings together multiple stakeholders to the table to discuss and act on the best path forward is needed to enable broad access to HCV treatment. Consistent with this belief, BMS is working with civil society, NGOs and governments on multiple fronts to address barriers to access.


Cancer: The Women’s Cancer Initiative in the Americas works to improve the quality and effectiveness of national breast and cervical cancer programs and the quality and completeness of national cancer registries in the region. The PAHO Foundation with support from the International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers and Associations (IFPMA) and its members, with an additional contributions from BMS, and in collaboration with the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), coordinates the Women’s Cancer Initiative in Latin American and Caribbean (LAC), where breast and cervical cancer are leading causes of preventable and premature death among women.

Citations and References:

i. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development recognizes the importance of “the role of the diverse private sector, ranging from microenterprise to cooperatives to multinational corporations” to achieve the SDGs, and calls for a “revitalized global partnership” that includes the private sector.

ii. Bristol-Myers: Big Spending Has Big Rewards, The Wall street Journal, by Charlie Grant, November 30, 2015.

iii. http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sdgoverview/post-2015-development-agenda/goal-3.html

iv. A 2009 survey of 36 countries found that 15 common generic medicines listed on the WHO Essential Medicines List (EML) are frequently unavailable in either the public or private sectors, with regional availability ranging from 29% in Africa to 54% in the Americas.

v. The American Cancer Society. Examples include: On average, in Africa only one physician exists for every 50,000 patients, while the physician-patient ratio in the United States is closer to 1 in 300. Moreover, 6 of 10 African cancer patients would benefit from radiation therapy in the course of their cancer treatment. But 20 countries in Africa do not have a single radiation treatment facility. And even when such facilities are available, coverage is often woefully inadequate. For example, Ethiopia, a country of some 90 million people, is served by a single radiation treatment center located in the capital city of Addis Ababa.

vi. Bate R, Putze E, Naoshy S, McPherson A, & Mooney L, (2010) “Drug Registration—A Necessary But Not Sufficient Condition for Good Quality Drugs—A Preliminary Analysis of 12 Countries,” Africa Fighting Malaria Working Paper, Washington, DC. China has long registration timelines: up to 3 years for original medicines, 18 months for imported generics, and even longer for vaccines.

vii. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/29/ozatp-safrica-medicines-idAFJOE84S06820120529

viii.India collects more pharmaceutical taxes than it spends on medicines, adding to the current level of policy incoherence. Broad analysis for 2011 indicates total annual Government expenditure on drugs in India around $1.15B in comparison to the $1.22B it receives in taxation of pharmaceuticals. Includes domestic tax (VAT and excise duty) and import taxes; based on broad analysis of 2011 data representative at national level; state level data not investigated. Source: Indian Department of Pharmaceuticals Annual Report 2012; High Level Expert Group (HLEG) Report on Universal Healthcare Coverage for India 2011, Instituted by Planning Commission of India.

ix. http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/mic

x. George J. Schieber et al., “Financing Global Health: Mission Unaccomplished,” Health Affairs 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2007): 921–34, doi:10.1377/hlthaff.26.4.921.

xi. O’Neill K et al. (2015) “Out-of-pocket expenses incurred by patients obtaining free breast cancer care in Haiti”, The Lancet, Volume 385, Special Issue, S48. This study of patients obtaining free breast cancer care in Haiti found that out-of-pocket non-medical costs forced 52% of participants into debt and 20% to sell possessions. Even with free treatment, out-of-pocket expenses accounted for more than 91% of annual earnings at the patients’ income level. This financial burden can represent an overwhelming obstacle to treatment for many patients.
xii. Ibid.

xiii. Van Minh H et al. (2014) “Progress towards achieving universal health coverage in ASEAN”, Global Health Action, [S.l.], 7

xiv. PEPFAR (Presidents Emergency Program For AIDS Relief). http://www.pepfar.gov/

xv. In 2014-15, Partnership for Quality Medicines Donations (PQMD) members donated more than $2 billion to over 150 countries. http://www.pqmd.org/assets/PDFs/updated%20pqmd_annual%20report_2011-12%20updated%200513.pdf

xvi. For a listing of current industry-wide programs, please see the International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers and Associations (IFPMA) website http://partnerships.ifpma.org/partnerships/by-type.

xvii. Sampat B, Lichtenberg F. What are the respective roles of the public and private sectors in pharmaceutical innovation? Health Affairs. 2011;30(2):332‐339.

xviii. US Food and Drug Administration, “Summary of NDA Approvals and Receipts, 1938-present,” http://www.fda.gov/aboutfda/whatwedo/history/productregulation/summaryofndaapprovalsreceipts1938tothepresent/default.htm

xix. Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), “Medicines in Development,” http://www.phrma.org/innovation/meds-in-development

xx. US Food and Drug Administration, “Novel drug approvals for 2015,” http://www.fda.gov/Drugs/DevelopmentApprovalProcess/DrugInnovation/ucm430302.htm

xxi. Nature Reviews Drug Discovery, “The importance of new companies for drug discovery: origins of a decade of new drugs,” http://www.nature.com/nrd/journal/v9/n11/full/nrd3251.html

xxii. See. e.g., Angeli F, “With the help of a foreign ally: biopharmaceutical innovation in India after TRIPS”, Health Policy & Planning 2014.

xxiii. Patents and the Global Diffusion of New Drugs, Iain M. Cockburn, Jean O. Lanjouw, and Mark Schankerman, American Economic Review 2016, 106(1): 136–164

xxiv. See, e.g. Ernst R. Berndt and Iain M. Cockburn, “The Hidden Cost Of Low Prices: Limited Access To New Drugs In India,” 2014; Cockburn, Iain M., Jean O. Lanjouw, and Mark Schankerman. 2016. "Patents and the Global Diffusion of New Drugs." American Econ. Review, 106(1): 136-64; Margaret Kyle and Yi Qian, “Intellectual Property Rights and Access to Innovation: Evidence from TRIPS,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Dec. 2014, http://www.nber.org/papers/w20799; Margaret Kyle, WIPO 23rd SCP http://www.wipo.int/webcasting/en/index.jsp (Wed 2 morning session, 15:50).

xxv. Ibid.; see also Ryan, M. Pharmaceutical Foreign Direct Investment, Technology Transfer, Health Competitiveness, and the Jordan-United States Free Trade Agreement, George Washington University Law School, Creative and Innovative Economy Center (May 2007).

xxvi. Charles River Associates, “The role of the innovative industry in ‘developing’ the market for new medicines in Emerging Markets: A case study approach,” April 2013.

xxvii. Ibid.

xxviii. Amir Attaran, Opinion: Negotiation is best way to make drugs affordable, Financial Times (April 6, 2015), available at http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/fd8453aa-cd85-11e4-9144-00144feab7de.html#axzz40rA60VNF.

xxix. Ibid.

xxx. World Health Organization and Health Action International (Global), Measuring Medicine Prices, Availability, Affordability, and Price Components (Geneva: 2008).

xxxi. USAID, AIDS By the Numbers,

xxxii. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) estimates the average price of ARVs per patient, per year is $67. Access to Medicines is a Global Struggle, The Pharmaceutical Journal, October 2, 2014.

xxxiii. Ibid.

xxxiv. Laing, R., “The patent status of medicines on the WHO model list of essential medicines,” https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/techsymp_feb11_e/laing_18.2.11_e.pdf

xxxv. Attaran, A., “How Do Patents And Economic Policies Affect Access To Essential Medicines In Developing Countries?,” Health Affairs, http://content.healthaffairs.org/content/23/3/155.full (2004)

xxxvi. Center for Disease Control, http://www.cdc.gov/globalhealth/ntd/diseases/oncho_burden.html

xxxvii. India’s population in 2016 is 1.31 billion. http://www.indiaonlinepages.com/population/india-current-population.html

xxxviii. World Health Organization, The World Medicines Situation: Access to Essential Medicines, 2013

xxxix. World Bank and OECD, 2006-2016.

xl. World Bank and OECD, 2016.

xli. Link to Business for Social Responsibility Guiding Principles on Access to Health Care

xlii. Five Facts About Innovative Cancer Medicines, PhRMA, May 2014 http://www.phrma.org/catalyst/five-facts-about-the-value-of-innovative-cancer-medicines.

xliii. www.cancer.net/cancer-types/leukemia-chronic-myeloid-cml/statistics

xliv. F.R. Lichtenberg, current estimates based on “Has Medical Innovation Reduced Cancer Mortality”, Columbia University and National Bureau of Economic Research, Revised 12 April 2013.

xlv. PhRMA: Since 2004 cancer innovations were largely responsible for a 40 percent increase in living cancer survivors, from 9.8 million to 13.6 million. The new therapies also saved $188 billion on hospitalizations.

xlvi. F.R. Lichtenberg, "The Expanding Pharmaceutical Arsenal in the War on Cancer", National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 10328 (Cambridge, MA: NBER, February 2004).

xlvii. Meta-Analysis of Phase II Cooperative Group Trials in Metastatic Stage IV Melanoma to Determine Progression-Free and Overall Survival Benchmarks for Future Phase II Trials, Edward L. Korn, Journal of Clinical Oncology 26:527-534, 200.

xlviii. Robert C, et al. Nivolumab in Previously Untreated Melanoma without BRAF Mutation. New England Journal of Medicine 2015;372:320-30. DOI: 10.1056/NEJMoa1412082.

xlix. May Margaret T. et. al, Impact on Life Expectancy of HIV-1 Positive Individuals of CD4R Cell Count and Viral Load Response to Antiretroviral Therapy, AIDS. 28(8):1193-1202, 2014.

l. The Washington Post, June 20, 2014, A Mississippi infant’s case opens a new door on studying a cure for HIV, June 20, 2014. Dr. Anthony F. Fauci directs the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases at the National Institutes of Health. http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/anthony-fauci-a-mississippi-infants-case-opens-a-new-door-on-studying-a-cure-for-hiv/2014/06/20/a5faf5b2-f7e8-11e3-a3a5-42be35962a52_story.html

li. Hopkins Arthritis.org

Patrick Gaule and Dominique Foray, CERGE-EI

Patrick Gaule and Dominique Foray, CERGE-EI

Lead Author: Patrick Gaule and Dominique Foray
Organization: CERGE-EI, Charles University and Czech Academy of Science and EPFL, Federal Polytechnic School of Lausanne
Country: Czech Republic; Switzerland

Abstract

Many pharmaceutical products have their origins in university research. We argue that universities could use the leverage conferred by academic patents to enhance access to medicines in developing countries. For instance, when licensing technology to pharmaceutical firms, universities could limit the exclusivity of the license to developed countries only (with non-exclusive licensing for developing countries). Such `humanitarian licensing’ clauses have the potential to substantially lower prices in developing countries. The international health community can lead the way by endorsing the humanitarian licensing concept and facilitate the development of best practices.

Submissions

Incorporating humanitarian licensing into university technology transfer practice

Relevance of the contribution : leveraging university research to advance global health

Most research intensive universities around the world have set up technology transfer offices. Such offices manage the licensing of university inventions and typically seek to promote the diffusion of university technology, generate revenues for the university and promote economic development (Conti & Gaule 2008). Facilitating access to university technologies in developing countries is rarely explicitly featured as an objective. Yet universities could have substantial leverage over the pricing and accessibility of drugs originating from academic research.

Famous examples of drugs covered by academic patents include Stavudine (d4T), Abacavir and Lamivudine. These three antiretrovirals are included in the World Health Organization (WHO) essential medicines list and were discovered at Yale, Minnesota University and Emory University respectively. Drugs covered by academic by patents are clearly a minority of drugs brought to the market, but they nevertheless represent a sizeable number – Sampat (2009) estimates that 18% of priority new molecular entities approved between 1988 and 2005 were covered by academic patents.

For drugs originating from universities, technology transfer offices could improve access to drugs in developing countries by including humanitarian licensing clauses when licensing new university technology. Such clauses may include price caps for sales in developing countries or -most flexibly- limit exclusivity to developed countries. To be specific, consider the following contract. Exclusivity is limited to rich countries. The university grants an unlimited number of licenses for sales in developing countries only. Provisions are included to ensure that follow-on patents will not foreclose competition in poor countries. This type of contract has been advocated by Chaifetz et al. (2007) and seems to be the simplest in terms of operationalization (A.Stevens, oral communication).

Humanitarian clauses need to be carefully designed to ensure that enough incentives to serve developing country markets but they have the potential to substantially lower prices in developing countries. There is of course a trade-off. Any contractual provision designed to enhance access will make the licensing contract less attractive to the licensee. It will only work, therefore, if the licensor (the university) accepts the sacrifice of some prospective licensing revenues: universities can maximize royalties or obtain low prices for less developed countries but not do both at the same time.

Universities sacrificing part of the licensing revenues need not be particularly problematic since the share of licensing income in universities revenues is marginal to start with, and university mission are not focused on revenue generation. Of greater concern is the fact that price caps and non-exclusivity in developing countries may make the contract so unattractive that the licensee would be unwilling to accept it even with zero royalty payment. This could arise if the university invention is of relatively low quality or if developing countries are anticipated to be the major market for the invention. In such cases, humanitarian licensing clauses may be inadvisable.

We are not the first to suggest to change university technology transfer practices to improve access to medicines in developing countries. In a Science editorial, Kapczynski, Crone & Merson (2003) argue that university research should consistently be used to advance the global public good through appropriate licensing policies. A special interest group, Technology Managers for Global Health, has been formed within the Association of University Technology Managers to "enhance academic research translation (...) in a way that advances global health causes". Universities Allied for Essential Medicines, a group of students and faculty from U.S. universities advocates that universities make changes in both their principles and policies in order to improve access to medicines in poor countries (Chokshi 2006; Chokshi & Rajkumar 2007). Brewster, Chapman & Hansen (2005), from the American Association for the Advancement of Science, seek to raise awareness among public sector managers of the importance of managing intellectual property to facilitate humanitarian access to pharmaceutical innovation.

Further interdisciplinary work between lawyers, economists and technology transfer practitioners is required to elaborate the details of how to make humanitarian licensing work well - developing best practices for technology transfer is a protracted process. There is no doubt that taking into account the health needs of developing countries makes the job of technology transfer offices more complicated still. Nevertheless, they should rise to the challenge.

What still should be done and how?

This approach has several advantages. It is WTO TRIPS compatible, it is low cost and it is based on a quite reasonable vision of what can do or should do universities in terms of transfer of knowledge and technologies towards developing countries. Therefore any university is “free” to adopt such a principle and use humanitarian terms in certain cases of licensing out its technology. The problem is that only a massive adoption of the principle will make a difference: first it will multiply the cases of humanitarian licensing; second it will have multiplicative effects by producing a more positive attitude of the industry vis a vis humanitarian principle (for example, if ideally all top 500 Universities worldwide adopt the principle, it will become hard for industry to go “elsewhere” to find business as usual licensing practices). But massive adoption raises issue of information, awareness and collective action. Here the role of the UN and other concerned organisations could be central in popularizing humanitarian licensing principles, producing guidelines, highlighting success stories and generating positive expectations. The policy is likely to be self-reinforcing resulting in significant leverage effects for a very low cost to start.

The international health community can lead the way by endorsing the humanitarian licensing concept and facilitate the development of best practices.

Bibliography and References

Brewster A, Chapman A & Hansen S (2005) “Facilitating Humanitarian Access to Pharmaceutical and Agricultural Innovation" Innovation Strategy Today 1(3): 1-16

Chaifetz S, Chokshi D, Rajkumar R, Scales D & Benkler Y (2007) “Closing the access gap for health innovations: an open licensing proposal for universities" Globalization and Health 3(1)

Chokshi D (2006) “Improving Access to Medicines in Poor Countries: the role of Universities" PLOS Medicine 3(6): e136.

Chokshi D & Rajkumar R (2007) “Leveraging University Research to Advance Global Health" Journal of the American Medical Association 298(16):1934-1936

Conti, A., & Gaule, P. (2008). The CEMI survey of technology transfer offices. Working Paper. Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne.

Kapczynski A, Crone E & Merson M (2003) “Global Health and University Patents" Science 301(5640):1629.

Sampat B (2009) “Academic Patents and Access to Medicines in Developing Countries” American Journal of Public Health 99(1):9-17

Siva Thambisetty, LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

Siva Thambisetty, LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

Lead Author: Siva Thambisetty
Organization: London School of Economics and Political Science, Law Department
Country: UK

Abstract

It is widely accepted by legal commentators that there is often a misalignment in the private rights of inventors and the public interest, reflected in controversies around the access to patented medicines and other technologies. This short paper argues that the resultant policy incoherence can often be traced to the distinctly self-referential way in which patent law functions, with remarkably little interpretational space for consequential analysis of the effect of rights once granted. Certain features of the Patent system including techno-legal terminology and the frequently specialized nature of courts create a perverse situation in which policy coherence is undermined by the nature of textual coherence in patent law - a form of coherence devoid of substantive or purposive constructions, and often achieved through highly specific terms of reference unmoored from other areas of law and governance. This dynamic of ‘textualisation’ that I describe is endemic to patent law. In addition to being the driver of a steady accretion of patent rights that may not be in the public interest, it also severely inhibits the internal ability of the law to reform itself. To this end I propose a three step legal test exogenous to the patent system that would apply internationally and in domestic jurisdictions, to improve policy coherence by facilitating a more consequential approach to the granting and use of exclusive patent rights. This test could legally and politically represent the strengths of the Berne Convention and the so-called ‘Doha solution’ respectively. Here I propose the wording for such a test and provide a brief explanatory note on how it may be applied or interpreted.

Submission

Why Policy Incoherence is Endemic in Patent Law: Proposal for an Antidote

Over time, most leading jurisdictions have seen an accretion of rights in patent law – both in terms of kinds of innovations that can be owned and what that ownership means in terms of exclusive use and exploitation. This accretion in UK, European and US law – is often realized through specialized features of the patent system. One such feature is the common use of ‘technolaw’ (1) - an intermediary between legal and technical standards that allows the operationalisation of legal doctrine within a given technological context. It is material to a number of standards, such as novelty, disclosure and infringement. Since the language of the law and language of technology are not designed to be in easy concert, technolaw involves a greater degree of constructed meanings than other kinds of law, particularly in rapidly moving technologies where technical facts are prone to revision or where new terminology is emerging. The opportunity for manipulation in meaning is therefore considerable.

The institutional and linguistic architecture of the patent system creates a perverse situation in which policy coherence is undermined by the nature of textual coherence in patent law; the latter is a form of coherence devoid of substantive or purposive constructions, and often achieved through highly specific terms of reference unmoored from other areas of law and governance. I define policy incoherence as the inability to take a balanced and comprehensive account of several public interest issues simultaneously while resolving any question of rights over inventions, or limitations to patent rights. It is the preoccupation with textual coherence that fuels the misalignment in the private rights of inventors and other public interest concerns like international human rights law, trade rules, public health, and the regulation of the competitive process. (2)

Close scrutiny of the text of patent in US, UK and EU laws, as seen in legislation as well as patent examination guides, evidence mechanisms of ‘textualisation’ of the law where substantive meaning is compacted to become a tool of persuasion that communicates and influences through linguistic modalities. The modalities that contribute to this dynamic of textualisation as a meaning-making enterprise include ‘stratification’ and ‘incrementalisation’. Textualisation also enables the easy transplantation of patentability standards to other jurisdictions through networks that legitimize and entrench such outcomes. (3) Typically, textualisation can be demonstrated using the examples of diagnostic methods in European law, Swiss-Type claims in UK and European law and limitedly through the subject matter eligibility rules recently developed in the US Supreme Court (4).

Many have suggested that the problem of access to patented medicines can be solved through a more reasonable interpretation of both patentability as well as the limitations such as they exist in patent law (5); however textualisation as a process makes it very difficult to bring in alternate or reformed interpretations of the law. The example of the interpretation of the exclusion of diagnostic methods in European law shows how endogenous textual coherence is prioritized over policy coherence.

An Example of How Textualisation Works in Patent Law

Diagnostic methods for humans and animals have a long history of being prohibited from patentability. (6) Strong socio-economic policy reasons for the exclusion have facilitated statutory inclusion in a number of jurisdictions. (7) Yet European patent Examination Guidelines based on the Enlarged Board of Appeal’s decision (Enlarged Board) in Diagnostic Methods G1/04 set out a very narrow interpretation of the exclusion that appears to reserve the entire weight of the scope of this exclusion only to the most unskilled patent applicant. (8) They state that the term ‘diagnostic methods’ does not cover all methods related to diagnosis; and that ‘accordingly, methods for merely obtaining information (data, physical quantities) from the living human or animal body (e.g. X-ray investigations, MRI studies, and blood pressure measurements) are not excluded from patentability under Art. 53(c).’ In other words, many of the methods that an ordinary person would regard as contributing towards a ‘diagnostic method’ are in fact patentable.

In presenting the controversial position as final outcomes, the Guidelines paper over the intense disagreements that preceded this final position. (9) The final position– namely that a number of different kinds of diagnostic methods are in fact patentable – is expressed in bite-sized increments. The increments themselves go either towards or away from patentability, although taken as a whole, there can be no doubt that the position is one that makes it fairly easy to obtain a patent on a diagnostic method.

The Examination Guidelines based on G1/04 state that for a ‘diagnostic method’ to be practiced on ‘the human or animal body’, direct physical contact with the body is not required. But it does so by saying that ‘each of the multiple technical steps’ in the diagnostic methods must be ‘performed’ on a human or animal body, and that for each such step we must ascertain if there has been ‘an interaction’ with the human or animal body. Such interaction is not determined by type and intensity, only by the presence of a human or animal body.

The substantive statutory requirement of ‘practiced on the human or animal body’ in Art 53 (c) EPC is overwhelmed by a successive dilution in terminology – practiced to performed to interaction to mere presence – such that no actual physical contact with the body is necessary. In effect, the type of interaction with the human or animal body is irrelevant to patentability such that visual observation, X-rays and invasive techniques would all equally qualify. Each of these terms is collated in G1/04 from a number of previous Technical Board of Appeal (TBA) decisions where least common denominators of ‘interaction’ appear to have been set out in no particular coherent order. So framed, the stipulation that the diagnostic method be ‘practiced on human or animal body’ has the potential to filter out a greater number of methods than if the actual presence of a human or animal body were required. This increment therefore makes it more difficult to patent a diagnostic method.

The text of the Guidelines is stratified which is typical of a technical document where the text is often arranged in layers. The Guidelines for Article 53(c) of the EPC state (the bold highlighting is part of these Guidelines):

The claim must include method steps relating to all of the following phases:
(i) the examination phase, involving the collection of data,
(ii) the comparison of these data with standard values,
(iii) the finding of any significant deviation, i.e. a symptom, during the comparison,
(iv) the attribution of the deviation to a particular clinical picture, i.e. the deductive medical or veterinary decision phase (diagnosis for curative purposes stricto sensu).

If features pertaining to any of these phases are missing and are essential for the definition of the invention, those features are to be included in the independent claim (see Example 9 in Annex II of F-IV). Due account should be taken of steps which may be considered to be implicit: for example, steps relating to the comparison of data with standard values (phase (ii)) may imply the finding of a significant deviation (phase (iii) - see T1197/02). The deductive medical or veterinary decision phase (iv), i.e. the "diagnosis for curative purposes stricto sensu", is the determination of the nature of a medical or veterinary medicinal condition intended to identify or uncover a pathology; the identification of the underlying disease is not required (see T125/02).

One of the ways in which stratification manifests in this paragraph is by the splitting up of a claim into several ‘diagnostic method steps’ itself not a term of art in the EPC. These ‘phases’ of diagnostic method claims are presented in technical language redolent of medical or veterinarian phraseology that function as technical markers of credibility.

Stipulating that the final phase does not need to relate to a disease, but must merely be intended to uncover a pathology appears to be strengthening the impact of this exclusion, by including within its ambit ‘mere pathologies’. The reader is then directed towards citations to legal decisions which are supportive decisions of different Boards of the same tribunal - the equivalent of repeating oneself to gain authority – while ignoring a similar number of Technical Board of Appeal decisions that lead to the opposite conclusion.

The overall directionality of stratification becomes clear in the first sentence – when the Guidelines stipulate that the claims must include all of these phases in order to be a true ‘diagnostic method’ (and therefore not patentable). There is a triple negative here that is also put to great use: ‘If all the phases are not present, then it is not a diagnostic method, and is therefore not excluded.’ In other words, to patent a diagnostic method all you have to do is avoid these phases in sequence in the claims, which will not be hard to do as they are in fact a construct that can be side-stepped by the patent applicant either by showing that not all the stipulated phases are reflected in his claim, or by showing that even though all the phases are present in his claim, one or more of them are ‘not practiced on/performed on/do not interact with a human or animal body’. The result is the creation of multiple loopholes in the law that can be exploited even by the most un-opportunistic patent applicant who seeks to patent a diagnostic method.

There are at least three observations one can make about the mode of textualisation in this example. Firstly, we see no allusion to the purpose or function of the exclusion of diagnostic methods on patentability. This has the effect of muting the long history of policy reasoning behind this exclusion. Secondly, these guidelines present as settled, a deeply controversial area of the law, and one that was subject to opposite Technical Board of Appeal decisions not so long ago. There is no hint of this controversy in the Guidelines. Thirdly, the law still says ‘diagnostic methods’ are excluded, and therefore potential dissenters are subdued if not silenced, except now we have a newly constructed meaning of ‘diagnostic method’ that has a life only in the Examination Guidelines of the European Patent Office. The overall impact is of text that is staggeringly self-assured and persuasive. Reaching into the legal, policy and interpretational reasoning in order to place this text in the context of the disagreements it arose from requires the reader to be an insider – not just to the law, but also to the particularities of the technical language that forms the scaffold to the final interpretative position. The result is a self-referential text that is coherent on it’s own terms and clearly increases the possibility of patents on diagnostic methods.

An Exogenous Antidote

The mechanics of textualisation shows us that patent law, specifically the language in which the invention is claimed and denoted, is suffused with axioms constructed from a set of rules that are too complex to work with routinely, yet are simultaneously presented as uncontroversial legal facts. There are many areas where the resultant policy incoherence is particularly intense – for instance in the case of the patentability of software in the EU and the UK (11); and in the interpretation of Swiss use claims with severe implications of such claims on the exclusive use and control over important medications, as I discuss in detail in Textualization (3). The prevalence of textualisation means that we need an exogenous mechanism that is not similarly constrained by textual coherence, and that can open an interpretational space for consequential reasoning. This will strengthen the hand of courts trying to address the many instances of policy incoherence we see in the domestic interpretation of the law as well as in the way legal standards can be transplanted across jurisdictions.

Since the first mention of the three-step test for copyright in the 1886 Berne Convention, the legal significance of this test has grown far beyond the original international legal context. It has endured in newer digital contexts, and multiple international treaties. (12) The generality of the wording provides a good example of a legal instrument that can help cut through some of the policy incoherence in intellectual property law. Similarly the Doha declaration coalesced a remarkable degree of political support as a solution to the affordable access to patented medications for public health crises (13).

I believe a mechanism that combines the political capital of the Doha declaration with the doctrinal legitimacy of the three-step Berne test is now essential both within domestic interpretation of patent law, as well as to temper the legal transplantation of such rights through patent office cooperation. This antidote to policy incoherence will require similar support to be built up by exposing some of the current and acute challenges of access to patented medicines and other medical technologies – a task that is particularly suited to this UN High-Level Panel. Problems of access and exorbitant pricing that is a direct result of exclusive rights is not just confined to developing countries but can also be very problematic in developed countries whether or not there is a publicly funded health service.

The wording of such a test will have to be discussed further, subject to political interests and goodwill, but I would like to propose the following:

The grant and exploitation of patent rights
a) Must facilitate the enjoyment of the reasonable rights of the inventor
b) Should not pre-empt competition
c) Should not inhibit innovative improvements.

Rights demonstrably exercised in prejudice of any of the above may be curtailed or revoked.

Such a provision will open up a path for the consequential analysis of the impact of patent rights; and will function as an antidote to the textual pre-occupation in patent law. The key mischief that can be remedied with such a test will be the unreasonable exploitation of patent rights including exorbitant pricing, monopoly licensing of essential technologies and the prevention of reasonable research and development efforts. ‘Reasonableness’ as a test seen in (a) will allow for the consideration of international human rights principles including those raised by public health needs. The legal test will apply to the analysis of the extension of patent rights to new or unprecedented subject matter (for example, new uses of known substances) as well as apply to the post grant exploitation of such rights (such as in the case of exorbitant pricing of medicines). The fear that such a provision may begin to whittle away at the incentive effect of patents for inventors may be tempered by establishing guidelines for robust evidentiary standards, directed by an explanation of the rationale for such a provision by the UN High-Level Panel.

Bibliography and References


(1) Similar in function to Latour’s ‘technoscience’. See B Latour Science in Action (Harvard University Press (1997)

(2) For some examples see Commission on Intellectual Property Rights (2002) http://www.iprcommission.org/; Margaret Chon Slouching Towards Development in International Intellectual Property, (2007) Mich St Law Review 71; Patent Hold-Up and the Limits of Competition Law: A Trans-Atlantic Perspective’, U Petrovcic, (2013) 50 Common Market Law Review 1363

(3) S Thambisetty ‘Textualisation as Mode of Persuasion for Patent Law and What it Means for Legitimacy' LSE Law Working Paper Series, 07-2015 [Hereafter referred to as Textualization]; Also see S Thambisetty Legal transplants in patent law: why "utility" is the new "industrial applicability" (2009) Jurimetrics, 49 (2) 155-201

(4) For a discussion of recent US decisions and their impact on patent eligibility see Dan L Burk ‘Dolly and Alice’ (2015) Journal of Law and Biosciences, Available here <http://jlb.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2015/10/16/jlb.lsv042.full?sid=1e0d27bb-5e06-40ab-b991-3a9b6d40671e>

(5) See ‘Declaration on Patent Protection: Regulatory Sovereignty under TRIPS Available here< https://www.mpg.de/8132986/Patent-Declaration.pdf>; Rochelle Dreyfuss, TRIPS and Essential Medicines: Must One Size Fit All? Making the WTO Responsive to the Global Health Crisis in Incentives for Global Public Health: Patent Law and Access to Essential Medicines 35 (Thomas Pogge, Matthew Rimmer and Kim Rubenstein, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) and S Thambisetty ‘Novartis v Union of India and the Person Skilled in the Art: A Missed Opportunity' Q.M.J.I.P. 2014, 4 (1) 79-94

(6) T. Piper, ‘A Common Law Prescription for a Medical Malaise’ in C. Ng, L. Bently and G. D’Agostino, The Common Law of Intellectual Property: Essays in Honour of David Vaver (Hart Publishing, 2010).

(7) TRIPS Agreement, Art 27, Patents Act 1977, s 4A(1), European Patent Convention, Art 53(c).

(8) G1/04 OJ 2006, 334

(9) See for instance T385/86 (BRUKER/Non-invasive measurement) and T964/99 (CYGNUS/Diagnostic method)

(10) Paragraph 4.2.1.3 of the Examination Guidelines. Available here <http://www.epo.org/law-practice/legaltexts/html/guidelines/e/g_ii_4_2_1_3.htm>

(11) Justine Pila ‘Software Patents, Separation of Powers, And Failed Syllogisms: A Cornucopia from the Enlarged Board of Appeal Of The European Patent Office’ (2011) Cambridge Law Journal 70(1)

(12) Seen in the TRIPS Agreement, the WIPO Copyright Treaty, the WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty and the EU Copyright Directive. Also see Gervais, D. (2005), ‘Towards a New Core International Copyright Norm: The Reverse Three-Step Test’, Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 1- 37 (

13) See Frederik Abbott and Jerome Reichman ‘The Doha Round’s Public Health Legacy: Strategies for the Production and Diffusion of Patented Medicines under the Amended TRIPS Provisions’ Journal of International Economic Law 10(4), 921–987
 

Renia Coghlan, TESS DEVELOPMENT ADVISORS

Renia Coghlan, TESS DEVELOPMENT ADVISORS

 

Lead Author: Renia Coghlan
Organization: TESS Development Advisors
Country: Switzerland

Abstract

Reducing Information Asymmetry: The role of market data as a contributor to focusing R&D, reducing investment risk and expanding access to medicines

This High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines focuses on law and rights. We argue that innovation of, and access to, new technologies hinges not only on trade rights and IPR but also on another factor which levels the playing field in decision making: reducing information asymmetry, notably in market data required for investments.

In 2000, the EU recognised ‘orphan’ medicinal products: medicines for rare diseases where there is little commercial incentive to develop a drug. This period also saw several product development partnerships come into being to address gaps in R&D for diseases of low-income countries. Such developments highlight the interplay between innovation, R&D and the existence of markets: ultimately leading to better access to medicines.

Development of new molecules or technologies requires several factors to be aligned: the identification or acknowledgement of medical need; scientific ability to address that need through successful R&D; the right to use or replicate technologies through appropriate trade and intellectual property legislation; willingness of investors to support the development and manufacture of new products.

One question will commonly be asked: “what is demand for this product”? Demand depends on many variables including availability, affordability and appropriateness for the targeted population. IPR and trade law clearly influence several aspects of access to medicines, including local production. But more is needed.

Gaps in market data can undermine willingness to innovate. Without answering the fundamental question of “what is the likely demand?”, the domino of other factors promoting R&D and subsequent access to medicines may never come into play.

Such data are not available in many low-income countries or for diseases such as malaria or paediatric TB. The terms of reference of this Panel recognize that “new solutions are needed to incentivise innovation and increase access to treatment”. Addressing market data gaps is one new solution to achieve that.

Submission

Introduction

The HLP indicates that “the Panel looks to receive contributions that will enhance and strengthen the promotion of innovation and access to medicines, vaccines and diagnostics.” (1). The Panel clearly has a central focus on addressing and balancing the rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules, and public health objectives (2). However, the terms of reference, background materials, and indeed the title of the Panel itself, also indicate a recognition that access to medicines and innovation are influenced by a large number of factors.

Development of new molecules or technologies requires several factors to be aligned: the identification or acknowledgement of medical need; scientific ability to address that need through successful R&D; the right to use or replicate technologies through appropriate trade and intellectual property legislation; willingness of investors to support the development and manufacture of new products.

This submission argues that there is major gap with respect to measuring demand for new products, which contributes to disincentives for investment in innovation, particularly for essential medicines or medicines for rare diseases and diseases with a heavier burden in middle- and low-income countries. This reduces commercial willingness to invest in R&D and product launch. Such data gaps also limit opportunities to optimise public sector investment and health impact, as public health players including Ministries of Health are unable to measure the total uptake and impact of these new products. Thus, access gaps remain but are not measured. Finally, gaps in data create an asymmetry of information between countries, between diseases and between populations: those countries or diseases with better data have lower investment risks, and therefore are more likely to attract investment.

“Information is power”. This is a well-recognised call among civil society advocates, notably those working to reduce inequalities. It is also an acknowledged truth among company executives, and decision makers. However, information is also powerful. And market data are a key factor which influence decisions around innovation, access to medicines, trade and even patient safety.

Our proposal argues that by investing in better information systems for pharmaceutical market data, the global health community could address many of those factors which reduce information asymmetry, reduce investment risks, remove disincentives to innovation and ultimately improve access to medicines.

This proposal is not about health systems strengthening or supply chain information. It is about reducing information asymmetry and providing data which serve as the foundation for many decisions, which cut across diseases and national income status, influence decisions on R&D investments, innovation and access to medicines.

What are market data?

We define market data here as the core set of variables relating to the structure, size and segmentation of a pharmaceutical market, notably at national level. This includes information about what products are available, which classes of medicines, in what proportions, total volumes and price points, and how they are made available.
For example, in the malaria field, we know that there are three major classes of medicines currently available for the treatment of uncomplicated malaria – a disease which can kill a child within 3 days if left untreated.

Artemisinin-based treatments are the gold standard, recommended by WHO. These are broadly available through the public sector, i.e. government health facilities. Due to the cost of the active ingredient and the production cost, these are significantly more expensive than older classes of drugs such as Sulfadoxine-Pyramethamine (SP) and Chloroquine. These older drugs are not recommended by WHO or many health authorities due to their lower efficacy rates (i.e. over 95% efficacy for artemisin-based treatments, 75% efficacy for SP and 20% efficacy rates for chloroquine (3).

We also know that access to treatment varies significantly between African countries – with up to 74% of children under age 5 with suspected malaria in Zambia being treated in government facilities (4), while inversely, around 57% of similar children with suspected malaria in Uganda were taken to a private facility (5).

Full market data will tell us, for example, what proportion of all antimalarial medicines available in a country (i.e. the market share) which fall into each of these three categories of drugs. Are the same types of medicines available in different facility types? What are the price differences between drugs, and how does this reflect affordability? What are the total volumes of medicines provided relative to estimated health burden – are sufficient volumes of medicines available? Are they the right kind of medicines, with sufficient efficacy levels to treat the disease? And how does this relate to equity in access to treatment? What does the current market tell us about the need for continued R&D for new drugs?

Impact on Policy Coherence - Why are market data important?

Market data are used in a number of different ways. Such data are most widely used by the pharmaceutical industry in high-income countries to target marketing activities. However, the potential uses of such data in middle and low-income countries goes well beyond this, and have significant implications across a broad number of areas including finance, investment, innovation and local manufacturing, access to medicines and patient safety. Some examples of the uses of such data include:

• Access: is there sufficient supply of medicines for those who need them? If not, why not: are there equity issues at stake?

• Equity and Affordability: are there significant differences in the type of treatment received, and if so, what is this based on? Are there availability or affordability issues in access to key medicines?

• Equity and Patient Safety: Are people getting the right kinds of drugs which will treat them effectively? Do policies need to be changed to ensure that different medicines are prioritized?

• Patient Safety: which are the priorities for post-marketing surveillance, i.e. those products which should be prioritized to trace potential substandard or falisified medicines?

• Innovation: are there suitable preventive or treatment options available for the main health risks in a specific country or community?

• Innovation and R&D: If efficacy of existing medicines is decreasing, are there new products in the development pipeline to replace the current generation of drugs in time?

• Innovation, Local Manufacture and Finance: what is the cost and the potential return in developing new medicines or producing medicines locally?

• Finance: what is the budget required to ensure equitable access to medicines?

These different uses all address at least one – or more – of the various medicines-related aspects of Sustainable Development Goal 3. They support essential information for eventual eradication of malaria, access to treatment and essential medicines, and promotion of R&D. In addition, by providing a systematic evidence based, such structured information also supports SDGs 9, 10 and 17 as shown below.

Impact for Public Health

The TOR of the HLP expresses concern that “Failure to reduce the costs of patented medicines is resulting in millions of people being denied access to lifesaving treatments for communicable diseases like HIV, TB, Malaria, and viral hepatitis, non-communicable diseases (NCDs), NTDs and rare diseases” (1).

Policies for new drug development and access are taken on the best data available to the decision maker at that point in time. Unfortunately, with major data gaps such as these, decisions may be reinforcing certain equity gaps or may be failing to make the case for new investments.

The TB community have faced this issue for many years. There have been significant efforts made, notably through one of the above-mentioned product-development-partnerships (the Global Alliance for TB Drug Development) which has successfully increased the pipeline for new TB medicines and in 2015 released a new paediatric TB treatment.

TB was widely assumed to be treated mainly through the public sector. This has led to assumptions that treatment requirements in the public sector will be sufficient. However, more recent studies have indicated that in many middle- and low-income countries, a large number of people seek treatment for TB in the private sector also, leading to a private sector market for TB medicines (6). What is more, paediatric TB is difficult to diagnose. This has led to WHO recognizing that childhood TB cases are significantly under-reported (7). Further studies have indicated that using epidemiological data, or reported cases, does not accurately reflect the true existing or potential market for paediatric TB treatments or treatment needs (8).

The TB example, and notably the paediatric TB case, provides a case study example of the interaction between public health and markets. As a communicable disease transmitted through close contact and thus with a higher burden among poor and vulnerable populations, TB is serious public health challenge. As indicated above, innovation requires several factors to be aligned: scientific and medical knowledge, market information and investment.

In this case, the medical community face challenges in diagnosing childhood TB. This combines with the assumption of limited market demand creates a classic case of market failure, where companies see little benefit in investing in new product development. This combination of scientific challenges, information gaps and limited market incentive led to a long-term stagnation in the development of new TB medicines. This indeed required the intervention of public-health focused donors creating public-private-partnerships and other special initiatives to boost the R&D and drug access programmes for TB.

But addressing one major public health burden is not enough: the Ebola outbreak in West Africa show how such market failures re-occur. Similarly, the public health community has just taken specific steps to address the gap in R&D for basic antibiotics. Thus, the global community must think of cross-cutting, systems-wide solutions whenever possible to minimize disincentives for investment. A market data which cuts across all therapeutic areas and all drugs is one such cross-cutting solution.

Impact on Innovation and the International Trade Context

Continual investment in research and development is essential for the development of new products, whether these be new generations of products to treat existing diseases, or products to treat previously unmet medical needs such as Ebola.

Research and development for new products is generally initiated in academic or other non-commercial environments, and then may be taken up by commercial organisations if companies judge there to be sufficient potential gain (9). However, medicines and technologies which are not expected to be sufficiently profitable are likely to face market failure, and will not be taken forward for development. Products which may have very large gains, on the other hand, main gain intellectual property protection thus delaying the development of generic versions of the medicine.

Several initiatives have been taken in order to address these market failures. In 2000, the EU recognised ‘orphan’ medicinal products: medicines for rare diseases where there is little commercial incentive to develop a drug (10). This period also saw several product development partnerships come into being to address gaps in R&D for diseases of low-income countries. More recently, middle- and increasingly low-income countries have initiated their own strategies for pharmaceutical development, with successful industries already developed in a number of middle-income countries such as Brazil, India, Ghana, Indonesia, Egypt, South Africa to name but a few. Low-income countries such as Ethiopia are also actively exploring the development of local manufacturing capacity.

Investing in local production capacity requires investments across infrastructure, technology and human resources and information systems. Indeed, the Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Plan for Africa notes the following issues as potential bottlenecks to developing local industry: “lack of market data“, with implications for strategic planning, access to capital and as a key challenge to achieving good manufacturing practice standards, and the “lack of accurate, comprehensive market data, analysis and forecasts“, which is cited as one of the main industry concern (11). Similarly, the Ethiopian national strategy for pharmaceutical manufacturing raises the same points, noting that a national Institute, FBPIDI, “needs to…establish market intelligence“ (12).

The WHO Global Strategy and Plan of Action on Public Health, Innovation and Intellectual property notes that “Intellectual property rights are an important incentive for the development of new health care products. This incentive alone does not meet the need for the development of new products to fight diseases where the potential paying market is small or uncertain” (13). The Strategy goes on to call on stakeholders to “identify incentives and barriers, including intellectual property-related provisions, at different levels – national, regional and international – that might affect increased research on public health, and suggest ways to facilitate access to research results and research tools (emphasis added) (13). In addition, the Strategy explicitly calls for countries and the global community to:
• increase collaboration between public and private partners
• strengthen health surveillance and information system
• support the production and introduction of generic medicines especially essential medicines
• increase information among policy makers…regarding generic products

The provision of systematic information about the pharmaceutical market is an essential component to completing this evidence base, and reducing costs of investment for both national and international investors alike.

Regulatory capacity and drug safety

Public health goals require strong, coordinated measures to ensure quality and safety of products through the establishment and implementation of global standards, strengthening regulatory systems and reducing substandard and falsified medicines. As such, the WHO Global Strategy for Innovation also recognizes the importance of developing national regulatory capacities, calling on stakeholders to “establish and strengthen regulatory capacity in developing countries“ (13).

Medicines and health technologies are important tools in the global health arsenal. As such, they must be developed and manufactured to standards which ensure a positive risk-benefit ratio, must be administered correctly and must be followed up in cases of possible adverse event. However, the levels of information and reporting on adverse events in many middle- and low-income countries remains limited, particularly in Africa (14).

More widely than the risk of adverse events, WHO recognizes the “existence of substandard, spurious, falsely labelled, falsified and counterfeit (SSFFC) medical products is an unacceptable risk to public health. They affect every region of the world, and medicines from all major therapeutic categories have been reported, including vaccines and diagnostics. They harm patients and undermine confidence in medical products, healthcare professionals and health systems” (15).

WHO recommends ”targeted post-market surveillance of medical products on a systematic basis focused on products known to represent a high risk, and regular surveying of essential and high demand products leads to early detection and early interventions (15). Monitoring systems which provide information about the entire market are a key source of information to help identify, sample and then track such products. A system already established in Zambia, providing regular insights into the entire pharmaceutical supply in that country, has been identified by the Zambian Medicines Regulatory Authority as a key tool to help the resource constrained authority carry out its duties with regard to post-marketing surveillance of medicines.

Implementation

The concept of providing such data as a public good was recognized by the Center for Global Development in 2007, noting that “The shortcomings in the systems to collect, share and assure data quality are clear. In large measure they can be traced to the current allocation of risk in the market for critical medical technologies… This suggests the need for an information intermediary, or infomediary, for global health to effectively gather and analyze data to forecast demand across a variety of diseases and products and to make information available to all stakeholders” (16).
This independent work noted that ideally, the data would be gathered, analysed and provided by a neutral party, thus working to the benefit of the many different interested stakeholders who are involved in both innovation and access to medicines.
A pilot initiative to develop national pharmaceutical market monitoring systems has been developed in a couple of African countries, sponsored by Medicines for Malaria Venture, as a collaboration between different partners and the relevant national authorities. This has shown that such systems can be successfully developed.

Key element for implementation of such databases include:
- political will and strong support to address safety and access to medicines
- a public health interest in accessing and using such data
- financing for the initial set up and long term running of the system
- technical expertise for development, management and analysis of the data

Ideally, such systems would be developed across multiple countries to allow for international comparisons. Systems would also link into a number of other existing national databases, in order to avoid duplications and the risk of data incoherence.

As recommended in the CGD report mentioned above, the data should be made available to those involved in different stages of drug development, policy making and medicines supply, while recognizing potential commercial sensitivities for manufacturers and importers.

Such systems would require sustainable funding sources, but would provide a service to a large number of different parties. A sustained service of this kind would also reduce the need for expensive one-off surveys, and would also serve as an independent information and evidence source in times of R&D funding changes, or new trade dynamics. By levelling the playing field between different parties, such a service would also reduce information asymmetries between larger or established players in the medicines field and smaller or newer players.

Conclusion

We believe that addressing this asymmetry of information could help to minimize investment risks and optimize prioritization in policy making and service delivery which is critical to ensuring access to life saving treatments. By creating information sources available to different parties, this solution not only removes a barrier but also provides sources of new evidence to help uphold the various rights indicated in the terms of reference of this High Level Panel.

Bibliography and Referenes

1. UN Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines, (2015) Call for Contributions, http://www.unsgaccessmeds.org/call-for-contributions/

2. UN Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines, (2015), Terms of Reference of the High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines, 2015 https://static1.squarespace.com/static/562094dee4b0d00c1a3ef761/t/568d535a1c12106651299f6e/1452102490740/TOR+on+new+template+5Jan16+FINAL.pdf

3. Legros, D. et al., (2002), Clinical efficacy of chloroquine or sulfadoxine- pyrimethamine in children under five from south-western Uganda with uncomplicated falciparum malaria, Trans R Soc Trop Med Hyg. 2002 Mar-Apr; 96(2):199-201

4. National Malaria Control Center of Zambia, (2012) Malaria Indicator Survey 2012 http://www.nmcc.org.zm/files/FullReportZambiaMIS2012_July2013_withsigs2.pdf

5. Uganda Ministry of Health (2015), National Malaria Indicator Survey 2014-2015, http://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/MIS21/MIS21.pdf

6. Wells WA, Ge CF, Patel N, Oh T, Gardiner E, et al.; (2011), Size and Usage Patterns of Private TB Drug Markets in the High Burden Countries. PLoS ONE 6(5), 2011

7. WHO (2015), Global Tuberculosis Report 2015, World Health Organization, Switzerland

8. Coghan, R., Gardiner E., et al, (2015) Understanding Market Size and Reporting Gaps for Paediatric TB in Indonesia, Nigeria and Pakistan: Supporting Improved Treatment of Childhood TB in the Advent of New Medicines, PLoS ONE, 10(10): e0138323

9. G-finder Fact Sheet, (2014), Government funding for neglected diseases, why it doesn’t add up http://policycures.org/downloads/Government_Funding_for_NDs.pdf

10. European Commission (2000), Regulation 141/2000 of the European Parliament and the Council of 16 December 1999 on orphan medicinal products, Official Journal of the European Union, L18/1, 22 Jan 2001 http://ec.europa.eu/health/files/eudralex/vol-1/reg_2000_141/reg_2000_141_en.pdf

11. AUC, Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Plan for Africa, (2012) http://apps.who.int/medicinedocs/documents/s20186en/s20186en.pdf

12. Ministry of Health and Ministry of Industry, Ethiopia, (2015), National Strategy and Plan of Action for Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Development in Ethiopia (2015–2025). Developing the Pharmaceutical Industry and Improving Access, http://apps.who.int/medicinedocs/documents/s21999en/s21999en.pdf

13. WHO, 2011, Global Strategy and Plan of Action on Public Health, Innovation and Intellectual Property, World Health Organization, Switzerland

14. I. J. Onakpoya, C. J. Heneghan, J. K. Aronson, Post-marketing withdrawal of 462 medicinal products because of adverse drug reactions: a systematic review of the world literature BMC Medicine 201614:10

15. WHO, Department of Essential Medicines and Health Products, www.who.int/medicines/regulation/ssffc/en/

16. Center for Global Development, (2007), A Risky Business, Washington DC

PHILIPPE DUNETON, UNITAID_B

PHILIPPE DUNETON, UNITAID_B

Submission: UNITAID
Prepared by: Philippe DunetonKarin Timmermans, Carmen Pérez Casas
Country: Switzerland

Abstract

The key points of this submission are:
• Timely access to optimized medicines can be hampered by patents and other intellectual property rights (IPR), as well as by barriers that are not related to IPR. These other barriers equally need to be addressed in order to effectively ensure rapid access to medicines for people in low-and middle-income countries.
• In order to effectively contribute to and accelerate the global response, it is important to have a holistic view of all aspects that affect access to medicines and to address all challenges along the value chain.

Submission

UNITAID SUBMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY-GENERAL’S HIGH-LEVEL PANEL ON ACCESS TO MEDICINES

ACCELERATING ACCESS TO INNOVATION: LESSONS LEARNED BY UNITAID

About UNITAID
UNITAID is engaged in finding new ways to prevent, treat and diagnose HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria more quickly, more cheaply and more effectively. It takes game-changing ideas and helps to turn them into practical solutions that can help accelerate the end of the three diseases. Established in 2006 by Brazil, Chile, France, Norway and the United Kingdom to provide an innovative approach to global health, UNITAID plays an important part in the global effort to defeat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, by facilitating and speeding up the availability of improved health tools, including medicines and diagnostics. UNITAID identifies health solutions that show promise and invests in them to enable their scale-up, working closely with partner organizations to ensure these solutions reach those most in need. By helping to fast-track access and reduce costs of new more effective medicines, technologies and systems UNITAID can maximize the impact of every dollar spent to overcome these lethal diseases.

To date, UNITAID’s work has focused on HIV, TB and malaria. Currently, UNITAID is developing its next five-year strategy (2017-2021); alignment with the recently adopted Sustainable Development Goals is one of the guiding principles in this process.
Key points

In response to the High Level Panel’s call for contributions that address the policy incoherence in relation to the rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules, and public health objectives including increased access to medicines and other health technologies, UNITAID has submitted a paper providing data on the actual and projected impact of strategies for overcoming patent barriers, where they exist. It is based on UNITAID’s experience and lessons learnt in that field to date. In addition, UNITAID would furthermore like submit the following.

The key points of this submission are:
• Timely access to optimized medicines can be hampered by patents and other intellectual property rights (IPR), as well as by barriers that are not related to IPR. These other barriers equally need to be addressed in order to effectively ensure rapid access to medicines for people in low-and middle-income countries.
• In order to effectively contribute to and accelerate the global response, it is important to have a holistic view of all aspects that affect access to medicines and to address all challenges along the value chain.

If the different elements that need to be in place to ensure countries can benefit from game-changing tools are not addressed simultaneously, people in need will only have access to key treatment, preventives or diagnostics tools with a large time lag. For example, although newer promising antiretroviral medicines, such as dolutegravir, have been included in voluntarily licences with the Medicines Patent Pool and generic products could be manufactured and sold in many countries in need, this advantageous treatment is not yet available because of lack of evidence on its use and lack of adequate combinations.

Accelerating the response
The history of HIV illustrates the importance of innovation and access. Due to the prohibitive cost of emerging medicines, AIDS-related mortality continued to soar in low-and middle-income countries for many years, while AIDS-related mortality declined in the USA, following scale up of highly-active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) in the USA (where the introduction of HAART triggered a 75% drop in AIDS-related mortality in a period of three years). It wasn’t until 2001, when cheaper generic fixed-dose combinations became available in low-and middle-income countries, that mortality started to decline (see Figure 1). [1].
 

Figure 1: Large time lag between the introduction of antiretroviral therapy and mortality, in the USA and in low-and middle-income countries [1]

The ambitious goals that the international community has set itself (ending the epidemics of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria by 2030) will require a paradigm shift in the global response to these diseases in the coming years. It is imperative to move away from a business-as-usual approach to an accelerated response, underpinned by the accelerated use of cutting-edge technologies and innovative approaches in the countries where the majority of the disease burden is occurring.

Challenges along the value chain
The uptake of optimized medicines to treat HIV, TB or malaria in low- and middle income countries often is slow. This can be due to a variety of reasons, ranging from patient factors (e.g. a lack of awareness and demand), to health system issues, financing or factors affecting the production and supply of medicines. UNITAID focuses on market factors that affect access; notably:


• Patents can hamper the development of generic medicines (including fixed-dose combinations). Thus, they can hamper competition. Strategies to overcome patent barriers exist; these notably include pooled voluntary licensing through the Medicines Patent Pool and the use of TRIPS flexibilities. Both these approaches can have significant impact, as shown in UNITAID’s paper on the actual and projected impact of strategies. Pooling voluntary licenses also has a large benefit in facilitating and accelerating the development of fixed-dose combinations of WHO recommended regimens, in particular as the Medicines Patent Pool now has licenses to most WHO recommended antiretrovirals.


• Lack of competition. In the absence of generic competition, prices are and will be unaffordable. The lack of competition can be due to patents, but other factors can equally play a role, for example registration hurdles. Sales volumes – or the lack thereof – can also have a significant impact on volumes, and thus on prices and affordability.


• Registration-related barriers. Regulatory approval, or authorization by relevant authorities, is a precondition for the use of any medicine1. However, the approval and assessment process at country level can be time consuming. For instance, in several countries, TDF/FTC is approved as treatment for HIV, but not for use as prophylaxis; this can constrain its use for pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). See also Box 1.
Where it exists, linkage between patent status and registration may result in additional delays for the registration of generic products. Data exclusivity is another hurdle2. Information about data exclusivity is not always easily available in low- and middle income countries that provide this type of exclusive rights. Where granted, there may be no mechanisms or procedures for exemptions to data exclusivity, even if this were to be in the interest of public health.


• Lack of data relevant for low-and middle-income countries. There may be a lack of clinical data pertaining to the use of a medicine in a specific target group, specifically in the context of low- and middle income countries where products will be used by millions. Furthermore, there data may be lacking for a potentially advantageous combination therapy, especially when combining medicines developed by different originator companies. An example is dolutegravir, which has been recognized as a “potential game-changer” for treatment of HIV [2]. Dolutegravir has been approved by the European Medicines Agency and the United States Food and Drug Administration and is recommended by WHO as a component of first-line regimens [3]. However, to date, studies and trials with dolutegravir have not included significant numbers of, for example, pregnant women or people co-infected with HIV and tuberculosis (who represent only a small percentage of the population on antiretroviral treatment in high-income markets countries, but make up a more significant portion of people on treatment in low-and middle-income countries) [4]. The lack of information, including data on the safety and pharmacology, may hamper the uptake and registration of innovative medicines such as dolutegravir in low-and middle-income countries.


• Lack of adapted formulations. Certain formulations, such as paediatric medicines3 or fixed-dose combinations may not exist. This may be due to patent barriers, but there can also be other constraints, such as technological challenges; for example, it can be very difficult to mask the bitter taste of some medicines in formulations for children and incentives to address such technological challenges may lack. Fixed dose combinations are crucial for simplifying treatment, improving adherence and scaling up. See also Box 1.


• Meeting quality standards. It is imperative that medicines are of assured quality [5]. Donor agencies, such as the Global Fund and PEPFAR, have procurement policies requiring that health products meet strict quality standards to become eligible for procurement with their funds.


• Catalytic procurements and forecasting of needs. Forecasting the future requirements of medicines and other health products in a timely and reliable manner is key. It helps to generate interest and incentivize production by generic manufacturers; thus, it can help promote competition, which in turn contributes to making products affordable.
 

Under traditional timelines, generic product development and approval can take more than 10 years following originator product approval in high-income markets.

The graph below is a case study of the fixed-dose combination TDF/FTC/EFV (WHO recommended treatment for HIV). It shows the time-lag for having a generic version available in low-and middle-income countries after initial approval by the United States Food and Drug Administration. Source: [6].

Considering current as well as future challenges
Through the projects it funds, UNITAID aims to solve current problems, but also attempts to take into consideration the challenges ahead, in order to address them early on and accelerate access to innovative products in low-and middle-income countries. The following section provides some examples of this approach.

WHO prequalification
 The prequalification programme by WHO4 was designed to provide an independent verification of the quality, safety and efficacy of medicines procured by United Nations Agencies and of donor-funded medicines. National regulatory authorities may fast-track the registration of medicines that have been prequalified by WHO. Nevertheless, WHO prequalification, like any initiative to adequately verify the quality, safety and efficacy of a medicine, does take a certain time. Recognizing that in certain instances there is an urgent need to fast-track access to a particular medicine or health product, the World Health Organization, the Global Fund and UNITAID jointly promote a process of temporary approval, based on expert advice, that can allow the purchase of medicines that are not yet prequalified by WHO; this process is used when there are no or not enough sources of supply to ensure adequate access [7].

Leveraging licensing conditions
Voluntary licenses concluded by the Medicines Patent Pool (MPP)5 have an impact (see UNITAID submission “Overcoming patent barriers: options and impact”). They are forward looking in that they not only seek to address patent barriers, but they also help address quality and regulatory challenges:

• MPP licences include a provision that the patent-holder agrees to waive any applicable data-exclusivity rights in the countries included in the license, in order to facilitate rapid registration of generics in countries where data exclusivity might prevent this.

• The MPP requires companies that sign a sub-license to obtain WHO prequalification or tentative approval by the United States Food and Drug Administration for their products. This, too, will facilitate/accelerate their national registration in many countries, and furthermore ensures that the products are eligible for procurement by funders such as the Global Fund and PEPFAR.

• MPP licenses also provide transparency on patent status.

Obtaining data to accelerate uptake. UNITAID is currently considering funding projects that address the data gaps regarding dolutegravir (described above). These projects are also expected to contribute to evidence on dolutegravir’s cost-effectiveness under actual conditions of use. Importantly, these data may enable WHO to include dolutegravir in its guidelines, without exemption or restriction for certain patient groups. This, in turn, would facilitate their inclusion in national guidelines and accelerate their uptake. In order to increase the likelihood of this happening, UNITAID is collaborating closely with WHO, to ensure that the data resulting from these potential projects will meet WHO’s standards and requirements. By unlocking the market, these projects would contribute to decreasing prices. In addition, and very importantly in a simultaneous manner, while the necessary studies take place, interventions to prepare the market (supporting the development and price reduction of future combinations) take place.

Similarly, UNITAID is funding a project by Partners in Health, Médecins Sans Frontières and Interactive Research & Development that seeks to obtain evidence on the most appropriate and effective use of two new medicines for TB (bedaquiline and delamanid). These two new TB medicines are the first drugs approved for multi-drug resistant TB in more than forty years, but there is little data on how they can best be used in combination with other TB medicines or with each other.

Considering access during development. Ritonavir-boosted lopinavir (LPV/r) is a medicine recommended by WHO for treatment of HIV-infected infants and young children. In 2008, when WHO first recommended this medicine as the preferred first-line therapy for infants and young children, the only paediatric formulation available was a liquid with a high alcohol content that tastes terrible and requires refrigeration. Still, as of today, the guidelines cannot be adhered to, due to formulation issues. UNITAID supports the development for more suitable paediatric formulations of this medicine. Through funding the development of this and other new or adapted products6, UNITAID has learned that it is important to already consider access issues during the development stage of the product. In general it seems easier to “impose” conditions that support access (such as affordable pricing or a license that enables a third party to manufacture the product) early on in the development process.

A holistic response
In UNITAID’s experience, innovation is key to the response and to achieve global goals in HIV, TB and malaria. For UNITAID, innovation can take a variety of forms, which include, but are not limited to, the uptake of game-changing products. UNITAID seeks to accelerate innovative solutions that enable a more efficient and faster response, that provide value-for-money and that help countries, and partners supporting them, to do more with less.
In this context, addressing intellectual property issues is crucial, but it is not enough; rather it is necessary to have a holistic view of all the issues along the value chain. It is by working on all aspects of the value chain that the one can be most effective and maximize impact on the ground.

UNITAID has played a key role in promoting the use of first- and second line treatments currently recommended by WHO, such as TDF/FTC/EFV, in low-and middle-income countries, but it has taken 9 to 12 years (see Box 1). In order to achieve the ambitious Sustainable Development Goals, the uptake of new first- and second line treatments must be accelerated. UNITAID is working with countries and partners such as WHO, the Global Fund, the Medicines Patent Pool and others to reduce the time lag for the uptake of new medicines to less than three years.

Bibliography, References, and Notes

1. Strategic Narrative for HIV. Geneva: UNITAID (forthcoming)
2. Barnhart M, James D, Shelton JD. ARVs: The next generation. Going boldly together to new frontiers of HIV treatment. Glob Health Sci Pract. 27 January, 2015. http://www.ghspjournal.org/content/3/1/1
3. Consolidated guidelines on the use of antiretroviral drugs for treating and preventing HIV infection: what’s new. Policy brief. Geneva: World Health Organization. November 2015. Available: http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/arv/policy-brief-arv-2015/en/
4. Clayden P. Fit for purpose: antiretroviral treatment optimisation. HIV treatment bulletin. July 2015. http://i-base.info/htb/28509
5. 't Hoen EF, Hogerzeil HV, Quick JD, Sillo HB. A quiet revolution in global public health: The World Health Organization's Prequalification of Medicines Programme. J Public Health Policy. 2014 May;35(2):137-61.
6. Pérez Casas C. Accelerating access for optimized regimens. Presentation at WHO ICASA Non-Abstract Driven Session HIV Treatment: What's new in the pipeline. 30 November 2015.
7. Expert review panel procedure: additional support to procurement agencies under exceptional circumstances. Geneva: World Health Organization. September 2013. Available: http://apps.who.int/prequal/info_general/documents/ERP/Expanded_ERP_process_Sep2013.pdf

NOTES

1. This is why UNITAID is currently the main funder of the WHO prequalification programme for medicines and diagnostics for HIV, TB and malaria.
2. In countries that apply data exclusivity, generic manufacturers would be required to conduct their own clinical trials in order to obtain marketing approval, or to wait until a specified exclusivity period (which varies among countries but often lasts five to ten years) has passed before a generic product can be approved.
3. UNITAID has been instrumental in incentivizing the development of paediatric formulations for HIV and TB.
4. UNITAID funds an important part of the WHO prequalification programme for medicines and diagnostics for HIV, TB and malaria.
5. UNITAID is the sole funder of the Medicines Patent Pool. See also UNITAID’s first contribution to the High Level Panel. More information can be found at http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/
6. UNITAID does not fund basic research or early stage development, but does fund certain projects that aim to develop new formulations of existing medicines, or the late-stage development of new diagnostics.

South Centre_A

South Centre_A

Submission: South Centre
Country: Switzerland

Abstract

This submission by the South Centre responds to the call by the UN High Level Panel on Access to Medicines for contributions to address the policy incoherence between the rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules and public health where it impedes the innovation of and access to health technologies.

In our view, an effective way to address policy incoherence in these areas is first and foremost, to assert the primacy of the right to health for all, over trade and intellectual property rules. The attainment of good health and well-being is an objective as well as a human right, whereas trade or intellectual property is a means; thus there should be primacy of health over trade or IP.

Submission

In our view, an effective way to address policy incoherence in these areas is first and foremost, to assert the primacy of the right to health for all, over trade and intellectual property rules. The attainment of good health and well-being is an objective as well as a human right, whereas trade or intellectual property is a means; thus there should be primacy of health over trade or IP.
In this context, the following recommendations are made:

Recommendations
- Developing countries should tailor their intellectual property regimes to their own domestic technical, economic and social needs and capacities. To this aim, these countries should incorporate the TRIPS flexibilities into national patent law to enhance access to medical products (Correa 2010). The implementation of these flexibilities is a means to balance patent rights with the right to health; stimulate competition; protect consumers; and facilitate access to generic medical products that are accessible and affordable to governments and consumers.

A key flexibility is that countries are free to determine in their own way the definition of an invention, the criteria for judging patentability and patentable subject matter, the rights conferred on patent owners and what exceptions to patentability are permitted, subject to meeting the minimum standards laid down in the WTO TRIPS Agreement. Countries should apply a rigorous definition of patentability criteria. Moreover, revision of national patent laws to allow and effectively use of other flexibilities should be promoted. These include: compulsory licenses and government use authorization, parallel importation, research exception, limit the extent of test data protection, and develop a robust patent examination systems with pre-grant and post-grant opposition.

- Patent offices should be encouraged to reject pharmaceutical patent applications as not constituting inventions for the following: new dosage forms of known medicines, new salts, ethers, esters and other forms of existing pharmaceutical products, discovery of polymorphs of existing compounds, enantiomers, therapeutic, diagnostic or surgical methods of treatment and claims for new uses of known products.

- Countries should take measures to control anti-competitive practices and abuse of intellectual property rights in their jurisdictions. Multilateral trade rules allow substantial flexibility in the development and application of competition law and policy. As a consequence of accommodating the variety of potential competition approaches, remedies available to address anti-competitive behaviour may permit a broader range of remedial action than some other public health-related flexibilities associated solely with patents (UNDP, 2004).
- Developed countries should stop the use of unilateral trade measures and free trade and investment agreements as a means to pressure countries to undertake TRIPS plus commitments. The recent rise of bilateral and multilateral FTAs threatens public health and access to affordable medicines. Strong trade and power asymmetries exist between developed and developing countries during FTA negotiations. Trade-oriented pressures are applied to developing countries to surpass the protection afforded by TRIPS and to diminish the system of the TRIPS flexibilities. These are ill-suited ‘TRIPS-plus’ solutions (Smith, 2007).
Furthermore, the special rapporteur (Grover, 2009) on the right to health pointed out that: “TRIPS-plus provisions in FTAs differ from agreement to agreement, but their purposes are by and large to: Extend the patent term, introduce data exclusivity, introduce patent linkage with drug registration and approval, and create new enforcement mechanisms for IPRs.
- There should be the promotion of reform of African regional IP organizations – ARIPO and OAPI – in order that they accommodate to the flexibilities available under TRIPS such as the transition period for LDCs as well as application of strict criteria of patentability. The current operations of ARIPO do not facilitate the full use of TRIPS flexibilities and instead erects patent barriers to the importation and local production of affordable medicines (South Centre, 2014).
- LDCs should make (and should be provided assistance to do so) effective use of the current transition period that allows them to not apply pharmaceutical patent protection, test data protection or exclusive marketing rights; and recommend that the current waiver be made permanent until the time an LDC graduates from that status. At present, LDCs are not be obliged to implement or apply or to enforce patents as well as test data protection for pharmaceutical products, or to make available a mechanism for filing patent applications for pharmaceutical products (mailbox) or to grant exclusive marketing rights to such applications, until 1 January 2033 or the expiry of such later transition period that may be granted by the WTO Council for TRIPS. LDCs should actively use the created policy space in this transition period and take immediate steps to amend their respective national laws to provide for such exclusions.

- There should be a ban on the application of non-violation and situation complaints with respect to the TRIPS Agreement. Introduction of non-violation complaints under TRIPS could enable legal challenges to regulatory and public policy measures that may be consistent with the obligations under the TRIPS Agreement. For example, public health measures such as issuance of compulsory licenses, or packaging restrictions on harmful products could be challenged even if these are consistent with TRIPS obligations if non-violation complaints are allowed. Unlike non-violation complaints in GATT, where a finding of nullification or impairment of the expected benefits would lead to an adjustment of the impugned tariff measure, in TRIPS this would lead to an amendment of the substantive obligations under the agreement. In this way, it can undermine the balance of rights and obligations and interests of right holders and users in TRIPS. Moreover, non-violation complaints could lead to narrowing the scope of flexibilities under the TRIPS Agreement. The experience of non-violation complaints under GATT suggests that the existence of non-violation complaints has led the panels to adopt a narrow interpretation of the provisions of GATT. For example, while TRIPS requires the grant of patents in all fields of technology if the patentability criteria are satisfied; it does not define novelty, inventive step or industrial applicability. This allows for diversity in the treatment of patent applications in different territories which enables developing countries to define what is patentable very narrowly. If non-violation complaints were allowed, it is possible that decisions to reject a patent based on a strict definition of the patentability criteria may be challenged. Therefore, non-violation complaints would seriously impair the balance of rights and obligations enshrined under TRIPS.

- WIPO and other international organizations should provide technical assistance on IP policy to developing countries that builds their capacity on the use of TRIPS flexibilities.
- WIPO and WTO should undertake human rights impact assessments prior to any norm-setting activities, especially if they have an impact on public health.
- The results of publicly funded research should be made available to all, and not be eligible for patent protection. Global, open access to publicly funded research should be promoted to advance collaborative scientific research and avoid unnecessary and costly duplication of work.
- There should be greater transparency by pharmaceutical firms, product development partnerships, biotechnology firms and other entities, in disclosing the real costs of research and development, including in carrying out clinical trials, and for them to share the results of clinical trials.
- New initiatives and business models to stimulate R&D in medical products that “de-link” the cost of R&D from prices should be promoted. However, principles need to be established to ensure that if public resources are used to promote de-linkage, there is full transparency on the real costs of activities; disclosure of terms in contractual agreements for R&D and for IP; and that priorities for R&D are defined in accordance to public health needs.

References and Bibliography

Correa C.M. (ed.) (2012). A Guide to Pharmaceutical Patents, South Centre, Geneva. Correa, C.M. (2010).

Designing Intellectual Property Policies in Developing Countries. Third World Network. Correa, C.M. (2000).

Integrating Public Health Concerns into Patent Legislation in Developing Countries, South Centre, Geneva. Grover, Anand (2009).

“Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Right of Everyone to the Enjoyment of the Highest Attainable Standard of Physical and Mental Health.” Matthews, D.N. (2014).

When Framing Meets Law: Using Human Rights as a Practical Instrument to Facilitate Access to Medicines in Developing Countries. TRIPS and Developing Countries: Towards a New IP World Order? Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK. Reid Smith, Sanya (2007).

Intellectual Property in Free Trade Agreements. Penang, Malaysia: Third World Network. Reid Smith, Sanya (2015).

“Potential Human Rights Impacts of the TPP”, available from http://www.twn.my/title2/FTAs/General/TPPHumanRights.pdf. South Centre (2014).

The African Regional Intellectual Property Organization Protocol on Patents: Implications for Access to Medicines. Research Paper 56, South Centre, Geneva. UNDP (2004). (ed. F.M. Abbott.

Using Competition Law to Promote Access to Health Technologies: A Guidebook for Low- and Middle-Income Countries.

Karin Timmermans, UNITAID_A

Karin Timmermans, UNITAID_A

Submission: UNITAID
Prepared by: Karin Timmermans
Country: Switzerland

Abstract

The key points of this submission are:

  •  voluntary measures (notably pooled voluntary licensing) and the use of TRIPS flexibilities can be complementary, and both are important to improve access to existing medicines;
  •  R&D approaches that encompass the principle of “delinkage” merit to be seriously explored.

UNITAID's strength is in its positioning and ability to articulate among partners. The Medicines Patent Pool and other projects addressing intellectual property rights demonstrate UNITAID's ability to play this articulating role, as supported by evidence presented in this paper.

Submission

UNITAID SUBMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY-GENERAL’S HIGH-LEVEL PANEL ON ACCESS TO MEDICINES

OVERCOMING PATENT BARRIERS: OPTIONS AND IMPACT

About UNITAID
UNITAID is engaged in finding new ways to prevent, treat and diagnose HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria more quickly, more cheaply and more effectively. It takes game-changing ideas and helps to turn them into practical solutions that can help accelerate the end of the three diseases. Established in 2006 by Brazil, Chile, France, Norway and the United Kingdom to provide an innovative approach to global health, UNITAID plays an important part in the global effort to defeat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, by facilitating and speeding up the availability of improved health products. See also UNITAID’s other contribution entitled “Accelerating innovation: lessons learned by UNITAID”.

In line with its mandate, UNITAID supports several projects that deal with intellectual property rights. UNITAID also supports transparency in patent information, both through its projects and through the work of the Secretariat1. To date, UNITAID’s work has focused on HIV, TB and malaria. Currently, UNITAID is developing its next five-year strategy (2017-2021); alignment with the Sustainable Development Goals is one of the guiding principles in this process.
UNITAID's strength is in its positioning and ability to articulate among partners. The Medicines Patent Pool and other projects addressing intellectual property rights demonstrate UNITAID's ability to play this articulating role, as supported by evidence presented in this paper.

Key points
In response to the High Level Panel’s call for contributions that address the policy incoherence in relation to the rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules, and public health objectives including increased access to medicines and other health technologies, UNITAID has submitted a paper “Accelerating innovation: lessons learned by UNITAID”. UNITAID would furthermore like to submit the following.
The key points of this submission are:
• voluntary measures (notably pooled voluntary licensing) and the use of TRIPS flexibilities can be complementary, and both are important to improve access to existing medicines;
• R&D approaches that encompass the principle of “delinkage” merit to be seriously explored.
Though this submission focusses on the actual and projected impact of approaches to overcome patent barriers, institutional dynamics also matter. In particular, in UNITAID’s experience, it is important to consult stakeholders; this provides an opportunity to learn about concerns and to engage in dialogue on ways to address them.

Intellectual property rights, innovation and access
The Commission on Intellectual Property Rights, Innovation and Public Health (CIPIH) has already noted that “intellectual property rights have an important role to play in stimulating innovation in health-care products in countries where financial and technological capacities exist, and in relation to products for which profitable markets exist. In developing countries, the fact that a patent can be obtained may contribute nothing or little to innovation if the market is too small or scientific and technological capability inadequate” [1].

In line with the analysis of the CIPIH, UNITAID has found that the intellectual property system provides effective incentives for innovation in some of the diseases that UNITAID focuses on – notably hepatitis C2 and HIV. For these diseases, a number of medicines have been developed and brought to market, and more molecules are in the pipeline [2,3].

As has been noted by others, this same incentive system has not worked equally well for tuberculosis [4]. Similarly, the fact that the patent system fails to effectively induce innovation for neglected tropical diseases – sometimes referred to as “type III diseases” – has been extensively discussed and explored elsewhere [1,4-6]. While UNITAID shares the global health community’s concerns about the lack of innovation for neglected tropical diseases, it is not the focus of our work or of this submission.

Access challenges
While innovation is a prerequisite for access, it is not – on its own – sufficient; in some areas where new medicines have been developed, such as HIV/AIDS and hepatitis C, challenges remain:
• Lack of affordability. Patents prevent generic competition. In the absence of competition, prices may be so high that people or health care systems cannot afford them. Examples include the high price of HIV medicines in the late 1990s (in 2000, the cost of HIV treatment per person per year was around US$ 10,000; unaffordable for most people living with HIV in low- and middle-income countries) and the current high prices of hepatitis C medicines – which prove challenging even for many high-income countries.
• Lack of incentives to develop adapted formulations. Patent holders may lack incentives to develop certain formulations for which there is a limited market, such as paediatric HIV medicines (there are very few paediatric HIV patients in high-income countries) or combination tablets containing medicines from different patent holders (patent holders may prefer to market combinations of their own medicines, even if clinically inferior). Generic manufacturers may be interested in developing such formulations but patents may prevent them from doing so.
• Supply risk. Patented products are normally available only from a single supplier. This may increase the risk of supply shortages, in case demand exceeds production volumes or in markets that are not prioritized by the supplier. For example, in 2015, South Africa experienced difficulties in obtaining sufficient supplies of the HIV medicine lopinavir/ritonavir. Generic versions were available elsewhere, but not in South Africa because this product is patented in South Africa [7,8].

Remedies and their potential impact
A number of remedies to overcome the above challenges do exist within the framework of the patent system. These remedies can be grouped in two main categories:
• Voluntary or collaborative approaches: notably the use of voluntary licenses. An innovative solution created and supported by UNITAID is the Medicines Patent Pool. The Medicines Patent Pool negotiates voluntary licenses for HIV medicines, and functions as a “pool” for such licenses – i.e. a one-stop-shop where licenses for multiple products are available3.
• Approaches based on the use of “TRIPS flexibilities”: notably compulsory licensing, parallel importation, stringent patentability criteria and opposition procedures. UNITAID is supporting two projects (by the Lawyers Collective and the International Treatment Preparedness Coalition) that aim to facilitate access to medicines through the use of TRIPS flexibilities.

UNITAID believes that both voluntary and non-voluntary approaches can play an important role in facilitating access to medicines, and that they complement and can reinforce each other. Through its projects, and in line with its mandate, UNITAID supports both voluntary pooled approaches as well as the use of TRIPS flexibilities in selected countries. As a result, UNITAID has gained some insights in their potential impact, summarized in Table 1.

Notes: - For a summary of methodology and sources, see Annex 1.
- The methodology used to estimate the potential impact of increased access to TB drugs differs from that for estimating the impact of increased access to HIV and hepatitis C medicines. As a result, for HIV and hepatitis C, estimates on the number of patients cured/deaths averted are not available.

While these numbers are estimates/projections, they show the importance – and the potential for significant impact – of both approaches.

It may be noted that i) the methodology used for the HIV and hepatitis C estimates is similar and ii) actual data are available for pooled voluntary licensing for HIV medicines through the Medicines Patent Pool. These data show that the actual impact (savings) over the period 2012-2014 was double the estimated amount. The actual savings in 2015, too, surpass the amount estimated (see Figure 1).

As these projected and actual savings show, both voluntary measures (notably pooled voluntary licensing) and the use of TRIPS flexibilities can play an important role in improving access to medicines.
In principle, the same approaches can also be used in the context of other diseases; this is explored in a paper commissioned by UNITAID [10].

Practical constraints and “TRIPS-plus”
In practice, the use of TRIPS flexibilities is less extensive than one might expect, due to pressure on countries to refrain from using them. In addition, “TRIPS-plus” provisions in, notably, bilateral and regional trade agreements undermine and limit countries’ ability to provide for and use these flexibilities, or introduce new exclusive rights (such as data exclusivity)5.

“TRIPS-plus” requirements can also undermine access to medicines in low- and middle-income countries, as UNITAID has experienced first-hand when generic HIV medicines funded by UNITAID were detained during transit in Europe on allegations of intellectual property infringement [11]. While these medicines were eventually released, such interceptions can have considerable costs in terms of human health (e.g., risk of interrupted treatment, deteriorating people’s health and increasing the risk of the development of resistance – which in turn would require a switch to more expensive medicines).

Consider “delinkage”
One idea that seeks to address the root cause of the tension between stimulating innovation and ensuring widespread access to innovative medicines is to break the link between funding/rewarding innovation and the price of the resulting product. This would require funding and rewarding innovation directly rather than via patent protection. By enabling early competition for innovative medicines, “delinkage approaches”6 could also result in more affordable prices for new medicines, and thus have the potential to significantly expand access to innovative products. R&D approaches that encompass the principle of “delinkage” therefore merit to be seriously explored.
UNITAID has commissioned a “think piece”, exploring through projections the potential implications of “delinkage approaches”6 for funders, consumers and producers. The paper explores the effect of “delinkage” on prices of, and access to, an innovative product, while keeping the rewards to the innovator constant. UNITAID believes that this paper7 (see also Annex 2) may be relevant to the deliberations of the High Level Panel.

ANNEX 1: Methodology of impact estimates

Impact estimate 1: HIV medicines8
Assessments9, undertaken by the Medicines Patent Pool (MPP) for UNITAID, estimate the potential future savings to the international community (donors, national governments and out-of-pocket expenses by patients) due to generic competition for HIV medicines, enabled by the MPP’s voluntary licenses. The assessments estimate the impact of generic competition for 10-14 HIV medicines licensed to the MPP over the timeframe 2015-2028 in 100-127 low- and middle-income countries (the number of countries varies per medicine/license). It is estimated that generic competition enabled by the MPP’s voluntary HIV licenses would result in savings of US$ 1063-1392 million.

According to the estimates, impact will increase over time (as shown in Figure 1) as generic products are being developed, registered in an increasing number of countries, included in national treatment guidelines, and ultimately used by increasing numbers of people.
A proposal submitted to UNITAID in 201410 estimates the potential savings from enabling generic competition for 4-6 HIV medicines11 through the use of TRIPS flexibilities in 4 countries. The proposal estimates the potential savings for each product in each country for one year. Using the data in this proposal as a basis, UNITAID has been able to prepare a multi-year estimate, following the methodology used for the MPP’s HIV estimates; potential savings from the use of TRIPS flexibilities in those 4 countries could amount to approximately US$ 678-942 million over the period 2015-2028.

Impact estimate 2: two TB medicines (bedaquiline and delamanid)
A study12, commissioned by the MPP, has estimated the potential impact of generic availability of two new TB medicines (bedaquiline and delamanid), predominantly in terms of the number of additional people that could be treated if generic versions of these two medicines would be made available. The study, which focuses exclusively on people with multi-drug resistant TB (MDR-TB)13, estimates the impact of generic availability for the timeframe 2015-2035.
The study assumes that potential licenses would have a geographical coverage similar to some of the MPP’s licenses for HIV medicines. Specifically, it is assumed that a voluntary license would include 116 low- and middle income countries that account for approximately 65% of global MDR-TB cases14. For such a voluntary license, the study finds that 14,000 additional MDR-TB patients could be cured, 31,700 deaths could be averted and cost saving of US$ 184 million could be realized.

It has been estimated that, of the MDR-TB cases found outside these 116 countries, approximately 14% are in high income countries (mostly Russia), while the remaining (+ 21% of all MDR-TB cases) would be found in certain middle-income countries that are not included in the MPP’s HIV licenses14. Assuming that those countries with + 21% of the MDR-TB burden where to use TRIPS flexibilities in order to enable the availability of generics, and that the impact would be proportionate to that in the 116 countries, this would amount to more than 4,500 additional MDR-TB patients cured, more than 6,800 deaths averted, and potential savings of US$ 59 million.

Impact estimate 3: one hepatitis C medicine (daclatasvir)15
An assessment16 by the MPP estimates the potential future savings to the international community (donors, national governments and out-of-pocket expenses by patients) if generic competition would be possible for one hepatitis C medicine (daclatasvir). The study estimates the impact of generic competition for daclatasvir over a 15-year timeframe (2015-2030) for 4 scenarios: inclusion of 90, 108, 114 and 127 low- and middle income countries in the license.
Since the study was undertaken, the MPP has signed a voluntary license for daclatasvir, covering 112 countries. Its expected impact therefore would be between that for the 108 and the 114 country scenarios, i.e. this license would result in estimated savings of US$ 1294 – 1700 million.
As the study methodology estimates impact/cost savings based on lower prices due to the availability of generic medicines, the impact estimates do not depend on whether generics are available in countries due to voluntary licenses or due to other mechanisms, such as the use of compulsory licenses or other TRIPS-flexibilities. Therefore, the difference between the 127-country scenario and the other scenarios (pertaining to countries now included in the MPP license) indicates the potential savings for the use of TRIPS flexibilities in an additional 13-19 countries. These savings would range from US$ 768-1174 million.

It should be noted that:
- Due to the methodology used in the study, the estimates do not cover all low- and middle income countries; notably Brazil and China are not included in any of the scenarios. Inclusion of one or both these countries (with large populations and relatively large numbers of people with hepatitis C) would significantly increase the potential savings.
- The estimates are comparable, as they are based on the same methodology and assumptions. The methodology is similar to that used for HIV medicines (estimate 1).
- Whether the projected impact will be realized in practice depends on there being an actual market for hepatitis C medicines. This is less certain for hepatitis C medicines (compared to medicines for HIV or TB) as there is virtually no donor funding for hepatitis C treatment, and many low- and middle-income countries have no established treatment programmes for hepatitis C (yet). This caveat applies to both voluntary licensing approaches as well as the use of TRIPS flexibilities.
- Relative to the impact of the voluntary license, the potential impact of the use of TRIPS flexibilities in the additional 13-19 countries is underestimated, as these are the countries where originator prices tend to be higher than in most low-and middle income countries17.

ANNEX 2: Projections regarding delinkage effects

UNITAID commissioned a paper to explore, through projections, the potential effects of delinkage. The paper estimates the distribution of benefits between producers and consumers, and estimates deadweight loss and the outcomes regarding the percentage of persons with access to a medicine in different countries (by World Bank income groups).
The projections relate to three scenarios: 1) a single worldwide price, 2) a single price for countries in each of the four World Bank income groups, or 3) a different price for each country. For each of the three scenarios, the delinkage comparisons were designed to be revenue-neutral for producers (i.e. the earnings of producers would remain the same).
As in any analysis based on modelling, the scenarios are based on assumptions that may be more or less realistic. What matters most, therefore, are not the absolute numbers or outcomes but the changes therein, which indicate who would stand to gain and who would stand to lose if delinkage were to be implemented.

For more details, including on the methodology and assumptions, please refer to the paper “An economic perspective on delinking the cost of R&D from the price of medicines”, available at http://www.unitaid.eu/images/marketdynamics/publications/Delinkage_economic%20perspective_Feb2016.pdf

Bibliography and References

REFERENCES
1. Public health, innovation and intellectual property rights. Geneva: WHO, 2006. Available: http://www.who.int/intellectualproperty/report/en/
2. HIV medicines: technology and market landscape. Geneva: UNITAID. March 2014. Available: http://www.unitaid.eu/images/marketdynamics/publications/HIV-Meds-Landscape-March2014.pdf
3. Hepatitis C medicines: technology and market landscape. Geneva: UNITAID. February 2015. Available: http://www.unitaid.eu/images/marketdynamics/publications/HCV_Meds_Landscape_Feb2015.pdf
4. Chirac P, Torrelee E. Global framework on essential health R&D. Lancet 2006;367:1560-61.
5. The Global Strategy and Plan of Action on Public Health, Innovation and Intellectual Property, Geneva: WHO, 2011. Available: http://www.who.int/phi/publications/Global_Strategy_Plan_Action.pdf
6. Report of the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination. Geneva, WHO, 2012. Available: http://www.who.int/phi/CEWG_Report_5_April_2012.pdf
7. Lopez Gonzales L. New agreement could help end ARV stock outs. The South African Health News Service. 18 December 2015. Available: http://www.health-e.org.za/2015/12/18/new-agreement-could-help-end-arv-stock-outs/
8. Kahn T. MSF urges state to break patent on HIV drugs. BusinessDay. 28 October 2015. Available: http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/health/2015/10/28/msf-urges-state-to-break-patent-on-hiv-drugs
9. Progress and achievements of the Medicines Patent Pool 2010-2015. Geneva: Medicines Patent Pool. 2015. Available: http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/wp-content/uploads/MPP_Progress_and_Achievements_Report_EN_2015_WEB.pdf
10. Ensuring that Essential Medicines are also affordable medicines: challenges and options. Discussion paper. Geneva: UNITAID. 2016 (forthcoming).
11. UNITAID Statement on Dutch Confiscation of Medicines Shipment. Geneva: UNITAID. 2009. Available: http://www.unitaid.eu/Resources/News/156-Unitaid-Statement-On-Dutch-Confiscation-Of-Medicines-Shipment
12. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: Implications for Access to Medicines and Public Health, UNITAID. 2014. Available: http://www.unitaid.eu/images/marketdynamics/publications/TPPA-Report_Final.pdf

NOTES
1. See http://www.unitaid.eu/en/resources/publications/technical-reports#cross for more information. See also databases developed by the Lawyers Collective (http://www.lawyerscollective.org/drugs-list) and the Medicines Patent Pool (http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/patent-data/patent-status-of-arvs/).
2. UNITAID’s mandate relates to HIV/HCV co-infection.
3. The Medicines Patent Pool recently started to work on hepatitis C and TB. For more information, see http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/
4. Assuming a cost of US$ 150 per person per year for 1st line HIV treatment.
5. For a review of the potential implications of TRIPS-plus provisions in free-trade agreements, see for example [12].
6. Approaches where the final price of new and innovative medicines is not linked to the cost of innovation, but where innovation is rewarded through different, more direct means.
7. An economic perspective on delinking the cost of R&D from the price of medicines. Discussion paper. Geneva: UNITAID. 2016. Available http://www.unitaid.eu/images/marketdynamics/publications/Delinkage_economic%20perspective_Feb2016.pdf
8. The estimates in this section are partly based on unpublished material. UNITAID would be willing to explore if and how this could be made public, should the Panel members consider this necessary.
9. MPP reports to UNITAID, 2012-2015; [9].
10. ITPC proposal to UNITAID, 2014 and ITPC first project report, 2015.
11. The number of medicines varied among the 4 countries.
12. Trinity Partners and Elizabeth Gardiner. TB Strategic Expansion Assessment. April 2015. Available: http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/wp-content/uploads/MPP-Intervention-in-TB-Trinity-Partners-.pdf
13. These are patients with few other options, thus, these new medicines are particularly important for them.
14. The percentage of MDR-TB cases has been estimated by UNITAID based on: WHO, Use of high burden country lists for TB by WHO in the post-2015 era: summary. Available: http://www.who.int/tb/publications/global_report/high_tb_burdencountrylists2016-2020summary.pdf and WHO, MDR-TB burden estimates for 2014. Available: http://www.who.int/tb/country/data/download/en/
15. The estimates in this section are partly based on unpublished material. UNITAID would be willing to explore if and how this could be made public, should the Panel members consider this necessary.
16. MPP proposal to UNITAID, 2015 (Annex 14). The assessment is based on the scenarios and methodology in the report: Dalberg. Assessing the feasibility of expanding MPP’s mandate into hepatitis C. April 2015. Available: http://www.medicinespatentpool.org/wp-content/uploads/MPP-Intervention-in-Hep-C_Dalberg_CDA.pdf; scenarios in this report have been updated and refined.
17. The methodology assumes a low originator price for 90 countries and a higher originator price (of US$2000/treatment) for the other countries. However, in a number of countries, it is likely that the originator price would be (significantly) above US$ 2000. These countries are relatively over-represented in the 13-19 countries that are included in the 127-country scenario but not in the other scenarios.

DAVID RUIZ, AIDS Fonds

DAVID RUIZ, AIDS Fonds

Submission: AIDS Fond
Prepared by: David Ruiz, Michaël Kensenhuis, and Anne Dankert
Country: Switzerland; Netherlands

Abstract

TRIPS flexibilities are perceived as repairs to a system that is based on protecting patents, rather than providing structural solutions to meet the needs of the poor. Despite the best efforts of civil society, it has been difficult to ‘de-technify’ and re-politicize the debate around Intellectual Property (IP) – taking it out of the hands of international lawyers and pharmaceutical companies and into the hands of developing country governments, social movements and affected communities.

Aids Fonds provides three solutions, focused on barriers related to patents, trade agreements and TRIPS flexibilities

Solution 1: Call on member states to set ambitious and concrete target to promote access to treatment within the outcome document of the High Level Meeting on Aids next June 8-10; by stressing the importance of supporting low and middle-income countries to scale-up access to essential medicines by implementing the flexibilities contained in the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement and consistent with the World Trade Organization Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health.

And, provide legal assistance to low and middle income countries to stimulate them to make use of TRIPS-flexibilities.

Solution 2: Call on technical agencies to conduct an analysis of the impact of current Intellectual Property frameworks – including Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights Plus (TRIPS+)provisions in Free Trade Agreements - on the availability, affordability and accessibility of treatment and diagnostics for HIV and co-infections in low and middle-income countries.

Solution 3: Press for ‘fair’ trade agreements and treaties of member states, in which access to affordable and generic medicines for low and middle income countries is guaranteed. High income countries should immediately stop pressuring low-and middle-income countries to adopt or implement TRIPS-Plus measures in trade agreements that impede access to life-saving treatment.

Submission

Background

The recently adopted 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development includes a strong political commitment to ending AIDS and leaving no one behind. This will contribute enormously to achieve better healthy lives for all and will support the advancement towards other global development goals. Increasing access to affordable and high quality treatment for all people in need is an imperative to ending AIDS.

Anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs) and other medicines, which counteract both effects of HIV and co-infections, make the difference between a healthy life and being ill, a productive life or an early death. Second- and third-line ARVs and medication for co-infections such as hepatitis C or tuberculosis remain expensive or have nasty side-effects in case of Multi-Drug Resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB). Prices of first-line ARVs have fallen dramatically over the past ten years, primarily due to increased marketplace competition of generic drugs, resulting in having more people in low- and middle-income countries on treatment . In 2015, 15.8 million people were accessing antiretroviral treatment and Aids-related deaths had fallen by 42% since 2004 .

In spite of this remarkable progress, the world is again in the grip of a crisis in treatment affordability and accessibility. According to the new WHO guidelines, as of December 2013, only 37% of all people living with HIV were receiving ART. To further scale-up – doubling the numbers reached - the affordability of ARVs was a critical concern.

Today, every year 1.2 million people still die of AIDS, while life-saving treatment is available. Despite the fact that no one should be left behind towards 2030 and other political commitments made, a major and unacceptable ‘treatment gap’ remains: nearly 21 million people who need treatment do not have access to ARVs , while demand for second and third line ARVs and treatment of co-infections is increasing.

TRIPS flexibilities are perceived as repairs to a system that is based on protecting patents, rather than providing structural solutions to meet the needs of the poor. Despite the best efforts of civil society, it has been difficult to ‘de-technify’ and re-politicize the debate around Intellectual Property (IP) – taking it out of the hands of international lawyers and pharmaceutical companies and into the hands of developing country governments, social movements and affected communities.

Aids Fonds provides three solutions, focused on barriers related to patents, trade agreements and TRIPS flexibilities

Solution 1: promote the use of TRIPS flexibilities by setting ambitious goals on treatment access

All World Trade Organization (WTO) member states agreed on Trade Related Aspect of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) in 1994, protecting the owners of patents, including for medicines. Patents give pharmaceutical companies exclusive rights to market their products and set their price for an (often long) period of time. This permits them to have monopolies and to exclude or delay competition for at least 20 years, including from companies that make lower-cost generic drugs. This minimum of 20 years’ of patent protection applies to all processes and products and does not distinct whether or not the products are life-saving medicines or luxury items. In 2001, to mitigate the negative impact of IPRs, the WTO adopted the Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health (known as the Doha Declaration). This affirmed that TRIPS “can and should be interpreted and implemented in a manner supportive of WTO members' right to protect public health and, in particular, to promote access to medicines for all”.

The “flexibility”-measures that governments can take include:

• Compulsory licenses: governments give a license to produce, sell, or import a generic medicine, without the consent of the patent-owner.
• Parallel importing: governments import medicines from countries where these are sold by the patent-holder against lower prices.
• Patent opposition: governments refuse to grant a patent, including for lack of novelty, or to revoke a patent. As a result, generic medicines are allowed on the market.

For example, our partners from International Treatment Prepardness Coalition initiated a patent landscape research, identifying medicines based on inclusion in WHO treatment guidelines, affordability, availability and existing intellectual property barriers blocking access to generic versions. Meetings with decision makers and health care providers were held to inform them about the availability of generic medicines. But also, health ministries were encouraged to issue compulsory licenses or to revoke patents.

But, countries that have attempted to bring down the prices of medicines have come under economic and political pressure from richer countries and the pharmaceutical industry.

Specific attention should be given to ‘pharma-emerging countries’ – those with high burdens of disease, and classified as middle-income (and, therefore, not prioritized by development partners). Such countries are paying exorbitant prices for most ARVs and many are not benefitting from HIV drug access programs provided by originator companies. ARV prices are being negotiated on a case-by-case basis, resulting in higher costs.

Global stakeholders have recognized IP as a barrier to access to medicines, but little
political action has been taken: public health agencies, academics and civil society have increasingly recognized that there are fundamental flaws in the design and application of the current IP frameworks. Also, analyses have found that there is no evidence that implementing TRIPS in developing countries has increased the research and development of drugs or the transfer of technology - as insufficient market incentives are the decisive factor. The claims that IPRs are essential to foreign direct investment, local innovation and economic development are false.

Therefore, Call on member states to set ambitious and concrete target to promote access to treatment within the outcome document of the High Level Meeting on Aids next June 8-10; by stressing the importance of supporting low and middle-income countries to scale-up access to essential medicines by implementing the flexibilities contained in the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement and consistent with the World Trade Organization Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health.

And, provide legal assistance to low and middle income countries to stimulate them to make use of TRIPS-flexibilities.

Solution 2: investigate the impact of TRIPS+ provisions on availability, affordability and accessibility of treatment for low and middle income countries

TRIPS+ provisions worsen access to ART and undermine countries’ ability to make full use of TRIPS flexibilities: multilateral organizations and civil society advocates have consistently urged governments to make use of TRIPS flexibilities. However, most developing countries, especially those in Africa, have failed to amend their national legislation. This has provoked civil society campaigns for the reform of IP laws and systems in countries such as South Africa and Uganda. The situation is exacerbated by on-going negotiation of stricter IPRs through bilateral and regional agreements, such as those involving the European Union and the United States. Several low- and middle-income countries have signed or are negotiating Free Trade Agreement (FTAs) with developed countries. These include ‘TRIPS+’ provisions – stricter protections of IPRs that go beyond those required by the WTO. Examples include: the extension of patent terms; the granting of patents on new uses or formulations of existing medicines; and data exclusivity. These limit developing countries’ ability to use TRIPS flexibilities. Numerous studies indicate that TRIPS+ provisions increase the price of medicines or delay price reductions – as they restrict generic competition.

In 2014, Morocco and the EU negotiated a Free Trade Agreement that would possibly include TRIPS plus provisions. Interventions from civil society and a public debate around intellectual property and medicines blocked the negotiations. This stresses the importance of knowledge among stakeholders and NGO’s about TRIPS plus and the impact on access to medicines.

Therefore, Call on technical agencies to conduct an analysis of the impact of current Intellectual Property frameworks – including Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights Plus (TRIPS+)provisions in Free Trade Agreements - on the availability, affordability and accessibility of treatment and diagnostics for HIV and co-infections in low and middle-income countries.

Solution 3: promote generic competition
Generic competition is a key driver for ARV price reduction: The response to HIV has demonstrated that increasing the use of quality-assured generic medicines through competition is a key strategy for reducing prices and therefore improving the affordability and accessibility of medicines. This was made possible because most first-line ARVs were not patented in many developing countries, including India (which has become the leading global producer of generic ARVs). As a result, significant price reductions were achieved. Since 2001, prices for antiretroviral treatment were drastically reduced from € 7,500 per year for a patented combination of antiretroviral drugs in 2001, to € 60 a year for a generic combination nowadays.

However, such reductions are less likely to happen for newer ARVs, as well as treatment for HIV co-infections - due to the stricter frameworks now in place to protect IPRs. The number of people that need access to newer, patented and therefore more expensive HIV-drugs is progressively increasing (e.g. because regimens to treat HIV are changing to more effective and less toxic drugs, or because the number of people that do not respond to first-line regimes is increasing). However, most low- and middle-income countries are not able to pay for these drugs, leaving patients with no or sub-optimal treatment.

Therefore, Press for ‘fair’ trade agreements and treaties of member states, in which access to affordable and generic medicines for low and middle income countries is guaranteed. High income countries should immediately stop pressuring low-and middle-income countries to adopt or implement TRIPS-Plus measures in trade agreements that impede access to life-saving treatment.

Bibliography and References

Global Commission on HIV and the Law – Risks, Rights and Health. July 2012. http://www.hivlawcommission.org/resources/report/FinalReport-Risks,Rights&Health-EN.pdf
Aids by the numbers. World Aids Day – UNAIDS. 2015 http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/AIDS_by_the_numbers_2015_en.pdf
UNAIDS, Factsheet 2015.
Londeix, P. (2014). Supply and demand: Why drug prices and trade barriers are blocking drug access and what activist scan do about it. Extract from AIDS Today: Tell no lies, claim no easy victories (2014) published by the International HIV/AIDS Alliance.
Zaidi, S. Access challenges for HIV treatment among People Living with HIV and Key Populations in Middle-Income Countries. Policy brief, October 2013.
‘t Hoen, E et al (2011). Driving a decade of change HIV/AIDS, patents and access to medicines for all. Journal of the International AIDS Society.
Dey, S. (2015). Fears over EU plan for strict drug patent regime. India Times, 14 April 2015.

Patrick Kilbride, U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Global Intellectual Property Center

Patrick Kilbride, U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Global Intellectual Property Center

Submission: US Chamber of Commerce's Global Intellectual Property Center
Prepared by: Patrick Kilbride and Ashley Mergen
Country: USA

Abstract

The U.S. Chamber and its affiliate the Global Intellectual Property Center (GIPC) are deeply committed to advancing a global innovation economy, one where all of the world’s citizens are empowered both to produce and benefit from new technologies, inventions, and creative content, including especially new, breakthrough medical treatments and diagnostics. We believe that strong, predictable, and well-enforced intellectual property (IP) laws are essential to that goal. Indeed, there can be no access to innovative products, without first ensuring a sustainable flow of innovative output. It is critical to point out that the broad range of evidence confirms that effective IP protection is one of several key enabling factors that not only helps encourage innovation, but also enables the dissemination, deployment, and broader use of public health and other technologies.

The United Nations agencies and other multilateral organizations have a critical role in facilitating a global innovation ecosystem that maximizes both innovative output and the diffusion of innovative solutions. Two multilateral bodies in particular, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and World Trade Organization (WTO) play leadership roles in setting and administering global IP policy that advances those closely related ends.

If in fact the ultimate goal of the UN High Level Panel is to identify pathways to improved access to innovative healthcare solutions, we believe that goal would be best served by a process that takes into account the whole suite of potential challenges to the development and deployment of medical technologies. The UNHLP would find that rights administered by a stable IP system are an important facilitator—rather than inhibitor—of health care technology diffusion.

Submission

On behalf of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the world’s largest business federation, representing the interests of more than 3 million businesses of all sizes, sectors, and regions, as well as state and local chambers and industry associations, we appreciate this opportunity to share our views with the UN High Level Panel on Access to Medicines (“UNHLP” or “the Panel”).

The U.S. Chamber and its affiliate the Global Intellectual Property Center (GIPC) are deeply committed to advancing a global innovation economy, one where all of the world’s citizens are empowered both to produce and benefit from new technologies, inventions, and creative content, including especially new, breakthrough medical treatments and diagnostics. We believe that strong, predictable, and well-enforced intellectual property (IP) laws are essential to that goal. Indeed, there can be no access to innovative products, without first ensuring a sustainable flow of innovative output. It is critical to point out that the broad range of evidence confirms that effective IP protection is one of several key enabling factors that not only helps encourage innovation, but also enables the dissemination, deployment, and broader use of public health and other technologies.

-The Role of the United Nations and Multilateral Organizations on IP and Public Health

The United Nations agencies and other multilateral organizations have a critical role in facilitating a global innovation ecosystem that maximizes both innovative output and the diffusion of innovative solutions. Two multilateral bodies in particular, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and World Trade Organization (WTO) play leadership roles in setting and administering global IP policy that advances those closely related ends.

The mission of WIPO is “to lead the development of a balanced and effective international intellectual property (IP) system that enables innovation and creativity for the benefit of all,” a role it has carried out as a UN institution since 1967. WIPO is the venue and administrative body for multilateral, norm-setting treaties in the intellectual property space. Of special note is WIPO’s role as a member and convening agent of the Trilateral Symposium with the WTO and the World Health Organization (WHO).

In similar fashion, the WTO’s Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Council is the preeminent multilateral body for global, trade-related IP policy, with the 1994 TRIPS Agreement as its principal governing accord. Each country that accedes to the WTO also subscribes to the TRIPS Agreement, which establishes important minimum standards for national IP laws, while also ensuring the availability of appropriate flexibilities to meet urgent public interest needs.

Together, the WHO, WTO, and WIPO have lead responsibility for oversight and negotiation of multilateral policies related to IP and health. These three organizations have also already published a thorough and impartial report in 2013 broaching this very topic at hand. Accordingly, we also believe that the Trilateral Symposium is a proper venue for any discussion of IP rights as they relate to public health, as it brings together the most relevant UN institutions and other experts.

-Formation of the UN High Level Panel on Access to Medicines

For those reasons, we believe the formation of the High-Level Panel, before a discussion at the Trilateral Symposium, is at best premature. Moreover, the UNHLP’s scope appears to be duplicative of the WHO’s Global Strategy and Plan of Action (GSPOA) on Public Health, Innovation, and Intellectual Property, launched in 2008. We are concerned that the UNHLP process will undermine and confuse rather than enhance the already ongoing efforts by each of these important UN bodies and their established expertise. This concern is particularly acute at the current time because WHO Members have recently agreed to launch an evaluation and program review concerning the GSPOA where many similar issues will be reviewed.

Most urgently and importantly, we are discouraged by the UNHLP’s stated premise, which is an effort to address “the policy incoherence between the justifiable rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules and public health,” or “the misalignment between the rights of inventors, international human rights law, trade rules and public health where it impedes the innovation of and access to health technologies.” We reject this premise as fundamentally flawed and unsupported by empirical and practical evidence related to the development and deployment of innovative health care solutions.

Regardless of the intentions which may underlie this exercise, the assumption of “incoherence” or “misalignment” strongly suggests a pre-judged conclusion to the UNHLP process, and may prevent the Panel from engaging in a balanced and well-reasoned discussion from the outset on a topic that is complex and not susceptible to superficial solutions. Moreover, the request for submissions itself is strongly biased in favor of commenters who accept this premise as a given. Nevertheless, we take this opportunity to provide the perspective of enterprises that invest in research and development (R&D), market development, and the deployment of solutions to patients throughout the healthcare value chain.

If in fact the ultimate goal of the UNHLP process is to identify pathways to improved access to innovative healthcare solutions, we believe that goal would be best served by a process that takes into account the whole suite of potential challenges to the development and deployment of medical technologies. The UNHLP would find that rights administered by a stable IP system are an important facilitator—rather than inhibitor—of health care technology diffusion.

-Importance of IP: A Community of First Markets

Currently, a relatively small group of nations produces the vast majority of paradigm-changing technological innovations and related products. This list is coextensive with the list of countries that currently take an active role in protecting intellectual property. The U.S. example is illustrative where because of a strong intellectual property framework, three-fifths of exports are generated by IP-intensive industries, supporting some 40 million jobs. Furthermore, California’s Silicon Valley—the birthplace of the information-age—leads all other major international locales in patent filings. And, nearly one-half of all patents granted there are to immigrant inventors, demonstrating that global entrepreneurs seek environments with strong intellectual property rights.

In contrast, countries that operate as net-importers of innovative, or IP-intensive, products tend to be those that eschew stronger IP laws because they believe that benefits may accrue only to the exporting country.

Unfortunately, countries can become locked into these roles. A country that considers itself an innovative producer may favor stronger intellectual property rights in order to further stimulate innovation at home and safeguard its assets overseas; a net-consumer of innovation may believe its national self interest lies in policies that devalue intellectual property rights in order to cheapen access to innovative products. Without the protection of intellectual property rights, however, governments risk a policy path that further depresses domestic innovation and increases reliance on external producers of innovative goods and services, reinforcing a viscous cycle. When trapped in this cycle, investment in innovation and research and development suffers, depriving the world of countless potential breakthrough technologies.

When fully developed, IP laws form a legal infrastructure that helps bring innovative goods to market. Just as roads and ports—and the rules and enforcement that support them—speed physical goods to market, effective IP laws speed ideas to market as innovative products. IP does this by transforming an intangible idea into an enforceable asset that can be evaluated and hold value.

To be successful, IP depends significantly on rule of law. For IP to hold value for businesses, consumers and patients alike, the rules must be clear, predictable, and enforceable. IP owners and users must have access to due process. Where strong laws are in place, enforcement is consistent and credible, and disputes are fairly and transparently adjudicated, an infrastructure for innovation and its subsequent access can be seen to exist.

Those countries that fully invest in such an infrastructure form a de facto community of “first markets.” They provide appropriate incentives to enable the substantial research and development investments necessary for the location of capital-intensive industries and the jobs they create; they foster a legal and financial infrastructure that enables the successful commercialization of new products by small-scale innovators and start-ups; and, they provide a safe environment for developing the products of intellectual capital.

In 2012, then-Director for the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office David Kappos wrote about the concept of “first markets,” in relation to USPTO’s “Patents for Humanity” program. Kappos discussed how “patented technology can be tremendously beneficial to the lives of the poor. From life-saving medicines, vaccines, and medical technology to drought- and pest-resistant crops, from purification devices removing harmful contaminants in water and air to cell phones and other information devices that raise income and standards of living – the developing world benefits tremendously from modern technology. Not just as consumers, but as partners and producers of innovation as well – even exporting those innovations to the developed world.”

Ideally, the UN and its various agencies would lead an effort to strengthen IP laws on a global basis, creating a uniform set of conditions for innovators in every country to succeed.

-The Critical Role of IP to Expand and Enable Access

Earlier this year, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce released the 4th Edition of its International IP Index, assessing and ranking the IP environments of countries representing 85% of global gross domestic product. As a complement to this policy analysis, the U.S. Chamber Index also developed a set of rigorous and empirical statistical correlations demonstrating the strong, positive relationships between strength of an IP environment and important socioeconomic indicators.

For instance, the Chamber found among other things that:

  •  Firms in economies with advanced IP rights in place are nearly 50% more likely to invest in R&D activities compared with those whose IP regimes lag behind;
  • When applied specifically to the life sciences sectors, advanced IP regimes experience 2 to 6 times more biopharmaceutical R&D expenditure than do economies with less supportive IP regimes;
  • Firms and people in economies scoring above the median level of the Chamber Index are 30% more likely to benefit from access to the most recent technological developments compared with those in economies with weak IP climates.


These correlations continue to reaffirm that IP rights are critical to expanding the public knowledge pool and increasing the diffusion of healthcare technology including medicines, vaccines, devices, and the know-how necessary for their effective administration. Former USPTO Director Kappos has noted that IP rights serve the public interest: “Far from being a roadblock, patents can be the currency of innovation that helps disseminate advanced technology in the developing world. Regardless of global destination, most high-tech goods are manufactured in a handful of countries which have functioning patent systems. Delivering innovative products to Africa, Southeast Asia, South America, or elsewhere thus requires legal rights in the manufacturing centers of the world. Patents enable business relationships that are otherwise difficult or impossible by encapsulating these legal rights into manageable assets.”

Furthermore, studies continue to show that a lack of effective intellectual property protection can prevent the deployment of the latest technologies to those who need it most. At the February 1, 2016 UNHLP mission briefing in Geneva, a representative of UN agency, WIPO stated, “[C]oherence exists in the recognition that without productive innovation there is nothing to have access to,” and the UNHLP’s “mandate and eventual work product should not minimize the positive results of innovation in the global health field.” Specific to medicines and healthcare technologies, it should be noted that recent studies show that strong IP protection results in faster launch and faster access to new medicines in developing countries. In addition, robust IP protection results in the introduction of many medicines in developing countries that would not otherwise be available to patients in those markets.

Research and development, further, is not only essential to maturing health technologies, but oftentimes gives those in proximity to R&D centers first access to these technologies, highlighting the need to resist short-sighted policies which could hamper this trend. As evidenced by 2015 Nobel Prize-winning economist Angus Deaton, differences in access to health care solutions “indicate the workings of a benevolent process, and policies to address inequalities should be designed so as not to hinder the diffusion of better health.” Professor Deaton went on to note that “while we should like to reduce the inequalities, we must be careful that our policies speed up the widespread adoption of beneficial treatments and do not discourage their introduction or the discovery of new treatments, and thus kill the innovative goose that is laying the golden eggs.”

These studies underscore the role that IP plays in the facilitation of access to health care technologies. Accordingly, any study of the policy relationship in this area should recognize that improved IP systems, including their establishment through important global norms to strengthen IP systems established by regional or multilateral trade agreements (e.g., implementation of TRIPS Agreement and those trade agreements that build on the TRIPS minimum standards), capacity building agreements to build IP expertise in government, and/or other IP bilateral and regional cooperation mechanisms, are key elements of a policy coherence and “best practice” promoting access to medicines

-IP Rights and Human Rights

In 2013, WIPO held a detailed seminar in conjunction with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to mark the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 27 of the UDHR provides: “(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.” This not only enshrines access as a human right, but in the same vein ennobles IP rights as human rights, a reality not recognized by the premise of the UN High Level Panel on Access to Medicine.

Further, the very nature of the patent system advances human rights. The patent system requires that knowledge related to invention and discovery be accessible to society. Such disclosures actually catalyze innovation and promote the diffusion of medical knowledge and health technologies.

-Conclusions

In conclusion, we respectfully urge the panel to reconsider the premise that there is “incoherence” or “misalignment” between innovator rights and access to innovation in the field of medicines or other technologies, and to study the alternate thesis, namely that the more thorough and widespread implementation of proven IP models on a global basis would contribute greatly both to innovative output and access to innovation; and, finally, that UN leadership to promote broader adoption of advanced IP models could effectively make all countries a singular community of “first markets,” where all could share in and contribute meaningfully to a global innovation economy. Doing so, we firmly believe will contribute not just to achieving public health goals, but to the economic and development objectives of some of the poorest and most vulnerable regions in the world as well.

Bibliography and References

“Inside WIPO: What is WIPO?.” World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). Web. 17 Feb. 2016. <http://www.wipo.int/about-wipo/en/>.

“Promoting Access to Medical Technologies and Innovation.” World Trade Ogranization, World Intellectual Property Organization, and World Health Organization. Web. 17 Feb 2016. <http://www.wipo.int/edocs/pubdocs/en/global_challenges/628/wipo_pub_628.pdf> United Nations Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines (UNHLP).

“High-Level Panel: The Panel.” United Nations. Web. 17 Feb. 2016. <http://www.unsgaccessmeds.org/new-page/>. UNHLP. “Contributions: Calls for Contributions.” United Nations. Web. 17 Feb. 2016. <http://www.unsgaccessmeds.org/call-for-contributions/>. Economics and Statistics Administration & United States Patent and Trademark Office.

“Intellectual Property and the U.S. Economy: Industries in Focus.” U.S. Department of Commerce. Mar. 2012: i-62. Web. 17 Feb. 2016. <http://www.uspto.gov/sites/default/files/news/publications/IP_Report_March_2012.pdf>. Ibid. at vi. Stoller-Conrad, Jessica.

“3 Clues To How Geography Fuels Innovation.” National Public Radio (NPR), 5 Sept. 2012, 12:00 PM ET. Web. Feb. 17, 2016. <http://www.npr.org/2012/09/05/160394967/3-clues-to-how-geography-fuels-innovation>. Wadhwa, Vivek, AnnaLee Saxenian, Ben Rissing & Gary Gereffi.

“America’s New Immigrant Entrepreneurs.” Duke Edmund T. Pratt, Jr. School of Engineering U.C. Berkeley School of Information, 4 Jan. 2007: 1-41. Web. 24 Feb. 2016. <http://people.ischool.berkeley.edu/~anno/Papers/Americas_new_immigrant_entrepreneurs_I.pdf> Anderson, Stuart.

“Immigrants, Patents and Silicon Valley.” Forbes: Leadership, 3 Feb. 2012. Web. 24 Feb. 2016. <http://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2012/02/03/immigrants-patents-and-silicon-valley/#4766b79b2a5b> Wadhwa, Vivek.

“Foreign-Born Entrepreneurs: An Underestimated American Resource.” Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, 2008: 177-181. Web. 24 Feb. 2016. <http://www.kauffman.org/what-we-do/articles/2008/11/foreignborn-entrepreneurs-an-underestimated-american-resource>. IP Australia.

“Australian Intellectual Property Report 2013.” Government of Australia, 2013: 1-40. Web. 24 Feb. 2016. <http://www.ipaustralia.gov.au/pdfs/Australian_IP_Report_2013-web_version.pdf>.

“Innovation: Government’s Many Rolse in Fostering Innovatin,” PircewaterhouseCoopers (2010). < https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/technology/pdf/how-governments-foster-innovation-2010.pdf>

 

Saoirse Fitzpatrick, STOPAIDS

Saoirse Fitzpatrick, STOPAIDS

Name of Lead Author: Saoirse Fitzpatrick
Endorsed by: STOPAIDS, Health Action International, Health Gap (Global Access Project), Wemos, UAEM Europe, Youth Stop AIDS, ACTSA, Health Poverty Action, Commons Network, Grupo de Ativistas em Tratamentos, Coalition Plus, Restless Development, T1International, Aids Orphan, Declaration de Berne, Medicines in Europe Forum, European Public Health Alliance, PRAKSIS, EKPIZO, Verein Demokratischer Pharmazeutinnen und Pharmazeuten, European AIDS Treatment Group, Global Youth AIDS Coalition, Health Projects for Latvia, Salud Por Derecho, Global Health Advocates. 

Abstract

  • We, representatives of civil society—consumer, patient and public/global health organisations—call for the creation of a research and development (R&D) framework that is driven by global public health needs and delivers quality medicines that are universally accessible and affordable.
  • Due to the urgency needed to resolve the failures of our current system for researching and developing medicines in order to avoid loss of life we propose a phased approach to reform, set out below.
  •  Remedy the most acute problems with our current market-driven pharmaceutical model by:
    • Demanding more stringent proof of therapeutic advance before authorizing new medicines into the market
    •  Securing affordable prices through using effective price control mechanisms and strengthening the use of full TRIPS flexibilities in all countries
    •  Putting an end to pharmaceutical monopolies by promoting generic and biosimilar competition and their usage; increasing scrutiny of anti-competitive practices by the pharmaceutical industry and strengthening the work and use of the Medicines Patent Pool
    • Implement full transparency of pharmaceutical R&D and medicine price setting, by:
  •  Promoting open access to all research data
  •  Fully disclosing and tracking public and private funding for pharmaceutical R&D
  •  Establishing a publicly accessible database where health systems publish the price of medicines that they negotiate
  • Promote a new global biomedical R&D agreement which would include:
    • Committing increased public funds to support a needs-driven approach to pharmaceutical R&D that delivers affordable health technologies while ensuring both transparency and public return for public investment
    •  Funding new R&D initiatives which de-link the real costs of R&D from the end price
    • Creating a global observatory for R&D to track spending, identify areas of health need and encourage coordinated research efforts into priority areas through open-source research to deliver safe and effective medicines that offer real therapeutic progress.

Submission

Introduction (outlining the problem)
In Europe and worldwide, the price of new medicines is rising year on year, especially where there is no therapeutic alternative. As a result, treatment for life-threatening infections and diseases, like HIV/AIDS, cancer and hepatitis C, are increasingly unaffordable for both individuals and national health systems. This is the result of an ineffective and costly research and development (R&D) system that rewards new medicines with fixed-term monopolies (patents) and encourages unaffordable price setting. This patent-based system grants pharmaceutical companies monopolies, which allow them to charge exorbitant prices for health technologies totally unconnected to the cost of developing them.(1) Urgent measures must be taken to ensure that people can afford the medicines they need.

High prices are often understood and accepted as a necessary evil of the patenting system, required as a reimbursement strategy and a way of financing future innovation. However, this necessary evil must be bought into question if it is not encouraging innovation to meet the world’s most pressing health needs. The current reality is that biomedical innovation takes place within a framework that prioritises R&D not according to public health need but according to the profit that stands to be made. This leads to skewed priorities that have life-threatening consequences.(2) For example in the last 40 years we’ve only produced 2 new treatments for tuberculosis, a diseases that kills over 1.5 million people a year, but we’ve produced 14 new medicines for hay fever within the same time period.(3) Moreover, neglected tropical diseases, despite representing 14% of the global burden of disease, only receive 1.3% of global research funding.(4)

The extent to which patents incentivise innovation also requires some analysis. With profit as the goal, pharmaceutical companies are more inclined to make subtle changes to existing compounds and remarket them under a new brand name. As a result our medical market is flooded with “me-too” drugs, which draws into question the assumed logic behind patents being a reward for ‘novel’ ideas.(5) For example, the independent Drug Bulletin Prescrire has assessed the added therapeutic value of 1345 drugs between 2000 and 2013 and found that only 7% offered ‘a real advantage’ when compared to drugs already on the market.(6)
Inefficiency is also driven by the secrecy and lack of transparency within our current R&D model that results in research being duplicated or high transaction costs for getting access to previous clinical trial data under data exclusivity protection.(7) A lack of transparency also makes it hard for health systems to negotiate prices since they don’t have access to data on the true costs of R&D.

Lastly, the lack of transparency on safety and efficacy data, and the fact that many companies selectively publish their clinical trial data creates a dangerous situation for patients.(8)
These examples show that clearly our current R&D model is not delivering the health technologies that are most needed and what they are delivering is often lacking in added therapeutic value compared to what is already on the market or is so heavily over-priced that it is unaffordable for individuals and health systems. The current biomedical R&D model is no longer just failing the poor—it is progressively failing us all.
1) Impact on remedying policy incoherence
Our current R&D model rests on the fundamental incoherence between the right to health and the monopoly interests of IP right holders. These monopoly interests are born from a system where the market, rather than public health need, is the driving force of health technology production. This must be remedied since the market is a moral-less, inhuman force which is entirely inappropriate and unsuitable for delivering health outcomes and protecting the human right to affordable and appropriate health care.
The R&D reforms we propose would remedy this incoherence by challenging the monopoly interests of right holders in the short term whilst encouraging the development of an R&D agreement that would replace market drivers entirely with a sustainable, publically-driven, financed and coordinated framework.
By enforcing transparency of R&D investment, IP right holders would have to divulge the breakdown of public and private investment for a health technology including the financial, human resource and tax inputs in order to justify the price. This, coupled with a database of what all countries pay for medicines would give the public the opportunity to hold the industry to account and challenge them over their exorbitant pricing practices. In this way the public and, with it, public health need is able to temper the driving force of the market and the public are empowered to challenge decisions over pricing and R&D investment with evidence-based arguments.
Access to this data is understood as freedom of information which is an extension of freedom of speech, a fundamental human right. Under the current model, if the pharmaceutical industry is going to be responsible for the delivery of health needs - which should in fact, be the obligation of the state - then freedom of information must be applicable to this sector on a global scale to safeguard the human rights agenda.(9) The need for increased transparency and how it relates to human rights and public health is set out very clearly within KEI, Transparency International and Treatment Action Campaign’s submission on transparency.
Other short term solutions to this policy incoherence are to address the impact that monopolies have on affordability by promoting the use of generic and biosimilar competition. This would require the reinvigoration and active encouragement of all countries to fully implement TRIPS (Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) flexibilities. Evidence has shown, as in the case of Thailand in 2007, that to do this effectively there also needs to be legal sanctions for pharmaceutical companies that use coercive methods to try and dissuade countries from using TRIPS flexibilities to protect public health.(10) To effectively address the issue of monopolies would also call for the strengthening of licensing agreements within the Medicines Patent Pool to ensure that a larger number of countries, particularly middle income countries, were included within these licenses and that restrictions that limit the possibility for generic producers to still be independent players on the global pharmaceutical market are lifted. International institutions would also need to do more to put pressure on pharmaceutical companies to share their patents through the pool to improve access and allow for additional research to be carried out.

The longer term solution to encourage inventors to meet public health needs is to entirely replace the market incentive to produce a new health technology with financial compensation that is sourced and managed by the public in the form of push and pull funding through a global observatory. In the R&D agreement we propose all health technologies for all health conditions would be exempt from IP protections in international, regional, bilateral, and national law as outlined in Brook Baker’s submission on IP reform. All research data would also be open-source allowing for future innovations to build on previous progress to avoid duplication of efforts which would improve innovation efficiency. (11) Funding would only be available for ‘needed’ health technologies and, with no patent-monopolies; generic competition would drive prices down. This means we would be getting the right health technologies, of the highest possible standard and the lowest possible price. The R&D agreement would build on the existing proposal from the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination (CEWG) at the World Health Organisation but would be relevant to all diseases (Type I to III). The idea for a global R&D agreement is also set out in Jamie Love’s proposal.

2) Impact on public health
The R&D reforms we propose would be based on the principles of equity, openness and affordability, and devoted to meeting health needs around the world having a hugely positive impact on public health.
First and foremost, it would produce the medicines that we need since the public would have a role in holding the industry to account over their investment priorities as well as driving the agenda. This would mean that R&D investment was targeted to the areas of greatest therapeutic value, that would make the biggest difference to people’s lives.
Secondly, the prices for health technologies would be made affordable to everyone and would be considered a public good by the non-enforcement of TRIPS on health technologies. This would, for the first time in history, create equitable access to health technologies and ensure that one’s ability to access these technologies wouldn’t rest on which country they were born in or on their bank balance.
Thirdly, by having a globally coordinated R&D observatory that ensured complete transparency we would greatly improve the efficiency of R&D and ensure that the health technologies produced offered the highest level of therapeutic value. This observatory has been recommended as a necessary part of a binding R&D agreement by the CEWG.(12) The one we propose would build on this model, strengthening the requirement of member states to use the observatory to inform R&D priorities. This observatory is essential since our current understanding of what R&D is being done, where, how and by whom is severely limited and this information is vital if we want to improve priority setting and the public health impact of biomedical R&D.(13)
The responsibilities of an observatory would include monitoring financial flows and how they correspond to pipelines helping policy makers set priorities according to health needs. It would also publish all clinical trial and research data meaning researchers could easily identify projects that were similar to their own allowing them to build on existing work to produce more effective products.(14) In this way, we would improve innovation through enhanced transparency of existing R&D efforts helping us to respond quickly to global health challenges such as antimicrobial resistance and the emergence of (new) infectious diseases such as zika, ebola and MDR-TB. Consensus over the logic of sharing data in drug development is building, reflected in the WHO statement in September 2015 on ‘Developing global norms for sharing data and results during public health emergencies’ which many global health bodies are supporting. (15) (16)

Securing access to affordable and appropriate medicines is also essential for us to meet SDG 3 on health which indeed asserts ‘access to affordable essential medicines and vaccines’ within its targets. It also includes targets to end TB, HIV, malaria, combat hepatitis C and neglected tropical diseases as well as cutting non-communicable diseases by a third. For all these conditions, medicines are an essential part of effective treatment but for infectious diseases like HIV treatment is also a necessary element of prevention and crucial to bringing down infection rates. However infection rates and deaths will rise if new ARVs continue to cost between $3000 and $28,000 per person per year in middle income countries. (17)

It is also necessary in the realisation of universal health coverage (UHC). Countries will only be able to realise UHC (18) - which includes access to safe, effective, quality and affordable essential medicines and vaccines for all - if we increase R&D into unmet health needs and ensure that medicines are affordable otherwise stock-outs and rationing will continue.

3) Impact on human rights
‘It is health that is real wealth and not piece of gold and silver’. Mahatma Gandhi
Health is considered our most basic and essential asset, a precursor to our ability to lead fulfilling lives and participate meaningfully as a member of a family and a community.(19) The right to health includes access to timely, acceptable, and affordable health care of appropriate quality and it is the duty of states to ensure that this right is realised.(20) Replacing market incentives to produce medicines with public-health incentives will allow duty bearers to meet their human rights commitment.
States must also guarantee the right to health, like all human rights, in a non-discriminatory manner where no attribute including property, birth or status can affect one’s ability to fulfil their rights. Our current way of doing medical R&D which creates high prices makes it very difficult for states to meet this obligation. Expensive health technologies result in individuals and health systems having to reject needed technologies leading to rationing. For example direct-acting antivirals for the treatment of hepatitis C have created a never-seen situation in high-income countries: due to astronomic prices, public healthcare systems and insurance companies have restricted access to those treatments.(21)

The office of the United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights states that “Human rights are interdependent, indivisible and interrelated. This means that violating the right to health may often impair the enjoyment of other human rights, such as the rights to education or work, and vice versa.”(22) Good health is required to be able to attend school and go to work but when high prices of medicines lead to scarcity patients are forced into fronting the extra capital to meet their health needs or simply going without. The World Health Organisation estimates that this leads to an additional 100 million people every year being pushed under the poverty line.(23) This, in turn, can lead to additional health challenges making it harder for people to free themselves from the cycle of poverty. Bad health can also lead to increased discrimination and stigma and this can exacerbate inequality undermining one of the overarching principles of human rights which is to promote equality.
A transparent, public-health driven approach to R&D means that we will not only have a positive impact on the human right to health but also the right to access to information, to freedom from discrimination, to participation and the right to benefit from the scientific progress and its applications.

4) Implementation
The issue of irresponsible R&D and unaffordable medicine is a global problem which requires a global solution. Instead of scattered efforts, ultimately a global agreement is needed in order to guarantee equity in access to essential health technologies for all.

In the shorter term governments need to regulate the pharmaceutical industry and make the transparency of all R&D data a legal requirement. This will discourage evergreening and improve research efficiency. Most critically it will allow governments to negotiate appropriate costs for health technologies that are reflective of R&D investment from public and private sources. Governments must also make full use of TRIPS flexibilities to encourage generic production and the UN High Level Panel on Access to Medicines must monitor the behaviour of pharmaceutical companies in reaction to the use of TRIPS flexibilities and reprimand them appropriately. Governments must also encourage the uptake of generic medicines by health practitioners to cut health technology procurement costs and apply a stricter level of scrutiny to the anti-competitive actions of pharmaceutical companies including the outlawing of TRIPS plus provisions in free trade agreements.

The longer term solution of a global agreement on R&D would require financial commitments from governments taking into account factors such as each nation's level of development, size of economy and capacity to pay; through a variety of means, including taxes and contributions in kind. We feel it is very important that the burden for R&D is shared as is the responsibility to set priorities.

Governmental funds to biomedical R&D will ensure that publicly-funded labs and independent entities develop healthcare products to face real global health challenges, instead of profit-driven R&D. Funds would go to award grants and inducement prizes. In this way government’s health-related expenditure would be shifted from paying high prices for medicines to upfront investment in R&D and the savings governments would make from cheaper health technologies could be reinvested back into needs-driven R&D. The coordination of this fund would be managed multilaterally through a fully-transparent global observatory that could sit within a UN department where member states, informed by their public, would set R&D priorities through democratic means based on a needs-based criteria.(24)

For grant and prize recipients their funding would be distributed on condition that products would be free from patent protection, since the funding would, effectively, buy-out the IP. Without patent monopolies all products are open to generic competition that is proven to be the most effective and sustainable way of keeping drug prices down. The unanimous non-application of IP to health technologies would require a shift in the terms of TRIPS, as outlined in Brook Baker’s submission on ‘IP reform’ and use these alternative cash incentives as a replacement for patents.

We have already seen examples of how push funding has been used successfully for example since its inception in 2003, the Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi) which is a PDP has delivered six treatments including two fixed-dose anti-malarials, a drug for late-stage sleeping sickness, a combination therapy for visceral leishmaniasis, a set of combination therapies for visceral leishmaniasis and a paediatric treatment for Chagas disease. We also have good models for pull funding such as Bernie Sander’s proposed Medical Innovation Prize Fund. This Fund would replace monopolies with more than $80 billion (0.55% of US GDP) in annual rewards for useful investments into R&D including interim research and development activities. The legislation would eliminate all monopolies on the sale of approved drugs and vaccines, encouraging generic competition which is expected to lower the cost of drugs by more than $250 billion per year for the US domestic market, making a massive saving for health insurers and patients.(25)

The establishment of an R&D agreement would also require a significant political commitment from governments to shift the meaning behind why we produce medicines working toward a situation where medicines are considered a public good. To help build the rationale for this move, a cost-benefit analysis of current spending on R&D and drug procurement set against the savings that could be made through the R&D framework we propose, should be produced. The Lancet has already asserted that although that costing for an observatory needs to be researched ‘the costs of such work would be modest compared with the potentially beneficial ramification if R&D coordination is improved’.(26)

The political commitment would also include a shift in the power dynamic between governments and industry which is likely to incur significant industry push-back. The UN High Level Panel should play a leading role in supporting this shift through the recommendations of the panel and ensure that substantial time and resources is invested in making equity in healthcare a global norm.

References and Bibliography

1. ACCESS DENIED: Report of the Inquiry of the All Party Parliamentary Group on HIV and AIDS into access to medicines in the developing world December 2014 http://impactaids.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/ACCESS-DENIED-APPG-Report-1.12.14.pdf
2. Public health and the interests of the pharmaceutical industry: how to guarantee the primacy of public health interests? Council of Europe, Resolution 2071 (2015), September 2015
3. Debate at the UK Parliament (Commons), Mr Peter Hain (Neath) (Lab), 8 July 2014: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201415/cmhansrd/cm140708/halltext/140708h0002.htm?dm_i=6N7,2M284,GPCQXA,9LHU3,1
4. von Philipsborn P, Steinbeis F, Bender ME, Tinnemann P. Poverty-related and neglected diseases: an economic and epidemiological data analysis of poverty relatedness and neglect in research and development. Glob Health Action [Internet]. 2015;382(25818):7. Available from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140673613621686
5. T. Fojo T et al. “Unintended consequences of expensive cancer therapeutics – the pursuit of marginal indications and a me-too mentality that stifles innovation and creativity” JAMA Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery (2014).
6. Prescrire (2014); 34 (364):132-136 ‘New drugs and indications in 2013: little real progress but regulatory authorities take some positive steps’ available at http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24860905
7. World Health Organisation (2006) Briefing note: Access to medicines, DATA EXCLUSIVITY AND OTHER “TRIPS-PLUS” MEASURES http://www.searo.who.int/entity/intellectual_property/data-exclusively-and-others-measures-briefing-note-on-access-to-medicines-who-2006.pdf
8. BMJ (2013) Non-publication of large randomized clinical trials: cross sectional analysis 2013; 347 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.f6104
9. Mazhar Siraj (2010). "Exclusion of Private Sector from Freedom of Information Laws: Implications from a Human Rights Perspective" (PDF). Journal of Alternative Perspectives on Social Sciences 2 (1): 211 & 223.
10. Alcorn, K (2007) “Abbott to withhold new drugs from Thailand in retaliation for Kaletra compulsory license” http://www.aidsmap.com/Abbott-to-withhold-new-drugs-from-Thailand-in-retaliation-for-iKaletrai-compulsory-license/page/1426590/
11. Report of the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination (2012) “Research and Development to meet Health Needs in Developing Countries: Strengthening Global Financing and Coordination” http://www.who.int/phi/CEWG_Report_5_April_2012.pdf?ua=1
12. Report of the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination (2012) “Research and Development to meet Health Needs in Developing Countries: Strengthening Global Financing and Coordination” http://www.who.int/phi/CEWG_Report_5_April_2012.pdf?ua=1
13. Røttingen, J et al (2013) “Mapping of available health research and development data: what's there, what's missing, and what role is there for a global observatory?” Volume 382, No. 9900, p1286–1307, 12 October 2013
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)61046-6/fulltext
14. Røttingen, J et al (2013) “Mapping of available health research and development data: what's there, what's missing, and what role is there for a global observatory?” Volume 382, No. 9900, p1286–1307, 12 October 2013
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)61046-6/fulltext
15. World Health Organisation (2015) Developing global norms for sharing data and results during public health emergencies
http://www.who.int/medicines/ebola-treatment/blueprint_phe_data-share-results/en/
16. Wellcome Trust (10/022016) Sharing data during Zika and other global health emergencies
http://blog.wellcome.ac.uk/2016/02/10/sharing-data-during-zika-and-other-global-health-emergencies/
17. World Health Organisation (2014) Increasing access to HIV treatment in middle-income countries: Key data on prices, regulatory status, tariffs and the intellectual property situation
http://www.who.int/phi/publications/WHO_Increasing_access_to_HIV_treatment.pdf, p16
18. Røttingen, J et al (2013) “Mapping of available health research and development data: what's there, what's missing, and what role is there for a global observatory?” Volume 382, No. 9900, p1286–1307, 12 October 2013
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)61046-6/fulltext
19. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “The Right to Health” Fact Sheet No.31 http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/Factsheet31.pdf
20. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “The Right to Health” Fact Sheet No.31 http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/Factsheet31.pdf
21. Boseley, S (16/12015) Hepatitis C drug delayed by NHS due to high cost
http://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/jan/16/sofosbuvir-hepatitis-c-drug-nhs ; Hammerstein, D (2015) High priced hepatitis C treatments spark massive public outcry and political debate in Spain
http://tacd-ip.org/archives/1270
22. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “The Right to Health” Fact Sheet No.31 http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/Factsheet31.pdf
23. World Health Organisation (2015) Health and human rights
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs323/en/
24. Røttingen, J et al (2013) “Mapping of available health research and development data: what's there, what's missing, and what role is there for a global observatory?” Volume 382, No. 9900, p1286–1307, 12 October 2013
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)61046-6/fulltext
25. Knowledge Ecology International (2011) The Medical Innovation Prize Fund, http://keionline.org/sites/default/files/big_prize_fund_overview_26may2011_a4.pdf
26. Røttingen, J et al (2013) “Mapping of available health research and development data: what's there, what's missing, and what role is there for a global observatory?” Volume 382, No. 9900, p1286–1307, 12 October 2013
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)61046-6/fulltext

Geoff Gill, International Insulin Foundation

Geoff Gill, International Insulin Foundation

Name of Lead Author: Geoff Gill
Organization: International Insulin Foundation
Country: UK

Abstract

Insulin is needed to preserve life in type 1 diabetes, and is required for adequate control of many people with type 2 diabetes. Despite efficient production systems, many types of insulin are expensive, and supplies to patients in many resource-limited countries are often precarious. Patients often have inadequate supplies, and complications of diabetes and even deaths are occurring due to availability issues. The International Insulin Foundation (IIF) is a charity and NGO committed to the global access of affordable insulin to all who need it. We believe this is an achievable aim, and hope to see it achieved by 2022 (the 100th anniversary of the original introduction of insulin for patient use). However, to achieve this, we need promotion of the use of inexpensive insulin supplies, and international and national political will.

submission

The International Insulin Foundation (IIF) was founded in 2002, and our aim is to achieve global access to free or affordable insulin for all those with diabetes who require this life-saving and life-preserving drug. Insulin was discovered in 1921, and first used in a type 1 diabetic patient in 1922, with dramatic results. Without insulin, people with this type of insulin will die, and many with the type 2 variety of diabetes need insulin for adequate control of their disease. Sadly, almost 100 years later, insulin is still poorly available to those who need it - particularly in resource-poor countries (1).

We are a non-governmental organisation (NGO) and registered UK charity. We receive no funding from pharmaceutical companies or other sources which may lead to conflicts of interest. Our trustees are a group of internationally know diabetes-experts. They are Professor Geoff Gill (Chair - Liverpool, UK), Professor John Yudkin (Vice-Chair and Treasurer - London, UK), Professor Solomon Tesfay3 (Secretary - Sheffield, UK), Professor Sarah Wild (Edinburgh, UK), Dr Kaushik Raimaya (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania), Professor Nigel Unwin (St Michael, Barbados), Professor Ayesha Motala (Durban, South Africa) and Professor Max de Courten (Melbourne, Australia). Advisors to the board are David Beran (Geneva, Switzerland), Merith Basey (Washington, USA), and Molly Lepanska (Amsterdam, Netherlands).

The problem of insulin availability is related to complex issues, but are particularly related to the relatively high cost of insulin. Manufacturers have progressively adapted insulin formulations ("analogue insulins") to protect patients and maintain high costs (2). This problem does not only affect developing and resource-limited countries, but is also an issue in the USA due to it's insurance-based health system, and consequent limits to funded insulin supplies (3). Cheaper insulins are available ("human insulins"), and we have strongly advocated the use of these less expensive, but fully effective insulin formulations (4).

We operate by research, information-gathering and advocacy. We have investigated barriers to insulin supply in a variety of countries (including in Africa, and Eastern Europe) using a method we have developed known as the "RAPIA" (Rapid Assessment Protocol for Insulin Access). This method has now been officially adopted as a research tool by the World Health Organisation (WHO). We have also adopted twinning programmes in some countries and demonstrated improvement in insulin access ((5,6).

We have strong links with WHO, and are a recognised partner-NGO with them. We have a frequently visited website ( www.access2insulin.org ), and also are partners in the "100 Campaign" ( www.100campaign.org ). This campaign aims to ensure global affordable insulin supply by the year 2022 (the 100th anniversary of the introduction of insulin treatment). A recent development is our involvement in the ACCISS Study ("Addressing the Challenges and Constraints of Insulin Sources and Supply"). This is a funded 3 year international study aimed at analysing global constraints to insulin supply, and to identify inexpensive supplies available to all countries.

We believe that access is to insulin is a global human right, and deserves to be a public health priority. Using the right supplies of insulin, and with adequate political will, be believe the aspirations of the IIF and 100 Campaign are eminently achievable.

Bibliography and References

1. Beran D, Yudkin J. The double scandal of insulin. J Roy Coll Phys Edinb 2013; 43:194-196.

2. Greene JA, Riggs KR. Why is there no generic insulin? Historical origins of a modern problem. New Eng J Med 2015; 372:1171-1175.

3. Randall L, Peng L, Begovic J et al. Recurrent diabetic ketoacidosis in inner-city minority patients. Diabetes Care 2011; 34:1891-1896.

4. Gill GV, Yudkin JS, Keen H, Beran D. The insulin dilemma in resource-limited countries. A way forward? Diabetologia 2011; 54 :19-24.

5. Beran D. Rapid Assessment Protocol for Insulin Access - overcoming barriers to care. Diabetes Voice 2004; 49 : 20-22.

6. Beran D, Silva Matos C, Yudkin JS. The Diabetes UK - Mozambique Twinning Programme - results of improvements in diabetes care in Mozambique. A reassessment 6 years later using the Rapid Assessment Protocol for Insulin Access. Diabetic Medicine 2010; 27 : 855-861.

Fernando Lamata, Regional Health Service, Madrid (English Translation)

Fernando Lamata, Regional Health Service, Madrid (English Translation)

Name of Lead Author: Fernando Lamata
Organization: Regional Health Service, Madrid
Country: Spain

Abstract

In every country of the world many people have been unable to access the drugs they needed. This is a violation of the human right to health and in many cases the right to life.

Implementation of the current monopoly model for the sale of drugs has created serious inconsistencies with policies that promote human rights, such as the right to health. This implementation does not allow guaranteed access to drugs to millions of people around the world due to high drug prices, preventing the resolution of significant public health problems. Nor does this model guarantee research and the availability of drugs as a function of health needs. This model is also very inefficient.

Three strategies are proposed, effective in the short, medium and long terms, to contribute to re-balancing the system of drug innovation, development, production and access, thus contributing to all individuals’ being able to live with health and dignity (2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, Goal 3).

1) As long as the patents system is maintained, implementation of the model must be changed, promoting and fostering the negotiation of fair prices, at close to production cost (manufacturing cost plus R&D), plus a reasonable profit (5%). To that end, the negotiating power of governments against the pharmaceutical multinationals most be increased, through timely measures. Promotion of these measures by the Office of the General Secretary would be very desirable.

2) When fair prices are not applied, the application of mandatory licenses must be encouraged and made widespread.

3) Replace the monopoly system with a system in which drug research and development is carried out from public research platforms, and drugs are manufactured and sold at generic prices.

Submission

The current system for setting drug prices and financing research, based on monopolies granted by patents, functions well for companies, but poorly for patients, healthcare systems and society. Let us examine the model’s inconsistencies:

a) Exaggeratedly high prices: setting of prices by “value,” while at the same time maintaining a monopoly (the patents model).

Access to drugs that contribute to maintaining and regaining health and avoiding premature death is a basic human right. This right is being violated. Millions of people around the world cannot access the drugs they need because they or their healthcare systems cannot pay the high prices demanded by manufacturers. These extremely high prices divert resources needed to address other health problems from thousands of people, and endanger the viability of healthcare systems.

Companies that manufacture products try to apply the highest price that can be paid by the market (in this case, patients or healthcare systems). In an open market, competition would reduce prices by bringing them close to manufacturing cost. Parliaments and governments approve drug patents to protect innovative companies, granting them a monopoly and exclusive sales. A monopoly allows them to overcharge for 10-20 years in order to recoup research costs. That and no other is the justification for monopolies.

However, in recent years, many pharmaceutical companies have used monopolies to set exaggeratedly high prices, far above the cost of the research. These prices favor companies, which (a) achieve high levels of profitability from sales (20%), and b) encourage stock market appreciation, increasing their stock market capitalization (drug as a “financial product”). At production cost (manufacturing cost + R&D cost) plus a reasonable profit (5%), which is a fair price, millions of deaths and much suffering could be averted. Why not do this?

When it is proven that research costs do not justify this overcharging (for example, 5,000% of cost), pharmaceutical companies have begun applying pricing by “value” (years of life gained, savings on other treatments, the price of other similar products that were authorized previously, or authorization as orphan drugs). But none of these reasons justifies monopolies or patents.

Using the criterion of price by value, antibiotics, or some surgical procedures such as an appendectomy, or treatment of an injury by a nurse, or diagnosis by a primary-care specialist, which save lives, gain many Years of Quality-Adjusted Life (QALY) and save many expenses, could have prices of $1 million or more for each intervention (at $30,000 per QALY). This would be nonsense.

As a starting point for negotiating price by value (the maximum a customer is willing to pay), companies tend to take the price set in the US (where there are high returns and a prohibition on price negotiations). Then, prices are negotiated in Europe and on other continents, as a function of each country’s return (see Wyden-Grassley Report, 2015).

Once companies succeed in “de-linking” price from what it actually costs (for example, applying a price of $100,000 for something that costs $1,000), and after they get buyers (physicians, patients, regulators) to “accept” that as the “cost,” they offer discounts, volume pricing, deferred payments, shared risk, etc. All these methods merely “palliate” the unjustified abusive pricing.

Patents and monopolies that allow for overcharging are social instruments, the purpose of which is to guarantee that the innovating company recoups its research and development expense. Patents are being abused if a company takes advantage of its dominant market position to raise prices to the highest a country can pay. This is a serious political inconsistency.

b) The patent model has not worked to incentivize research and guarantee the availability of the necessary drugs.

Despite (or because of) the patents system, the innovation rate has fallen, while the number of “me-too drugs” with little or no therapeutic value has increased. This has been demonstrated by various studies (Lobo F. 1989; Prescrire International 2005; Lee C. 2006; ´t Hoen E. 2009; Light D.W., Warburton R. 2011; de Boer 2015, etc.). This global trend has a much more negative impact on the health needs of individuals in low-income countries.

Impartiality is also being questioned, and therefore the quality of the research when financed by industry, in introducing significant biases (Bell C.M. 2006; Sismondo S. 2008; Lundh A. 2012; Flacco M.E. 2015, etc.).

This model also causes multiple laboratories to perform the same research, duplicating efforts, increasing risks to patients participating in trials, and delaying scientific progress in that the various research groups are unable to take advantage of the results of other groups.

Other effects of this model that reduce drug availability include: delayed launches of new drugs in a country; the withdrawal of drugs that are effective and cheap; or supply shortages, due in part to difficulties by countries in paying their pharmaceutical bills, or resistance to accepting higher prices.

c) Inefficiency of the patents model for society (exaggerated efficiency for industry).

It is necessary to point out that this financing model is also inefficient.
Excess spending on inadequate prescriptions, avoidable adverse effects, excess spending on marketing (25% of sales), and a rate of return that is much higher than the average for the manufacturing sector (20%, versus 5% of sales) make this an inefficient model for financing research.

If we apply a new model in which research is not paid for through monopoly overcharging, but rather financed directly, it would result in savings over the current model of some 30% of total pharmaceutical spending, some $300 billion per year worldwide.

d) Exaggerated influence by decision-making agents. Control of discourse.

The current model of financing research through overcharging has generated another perverse phenomenon: excessive influence of the opinions of professionals, as well as decision-makers in regulatory agencies and patient associations.

Many patient associations and healthcare professional associations are financed by the pharmaceutical industry. Many specialists are advisors on various laboratory committees (sometimes paid). These same professionals are the ones who prepare the clinical guides and consent documents. Many clinical trials are financed by industry, which controls the protocols and the publication of results. Finally, the industry is seeking to also influence regulators, members of parliament, members of government, members of agencies, etc. To that end it uses various formulas: training, conferences, financing of drug agencies and quality agencies, financing of electoral campaigns, etc. (Angell M., 2004; House of Commons 2005; Smith R., 2005; Light, Lexchin, Darrow 2013; Council of Europe 2015; Batt, S., 2015; Wyden-Grassley 2015).

e) Inadequate prescriptions. Over-prescribing.

Extremely high spending on marketing (25% of billings) and control of discourse among scientific societies, regulators and patient associations are applying pressure to increase prescriptions, increase demand and impose unjustified prices. Without that pressure, inadequate prescriptions would very likely be lower, which according to the WHO is close to 50% (WHO 2004; Holloway K.A. 2011), and drugs with little or no therapeutic utility would decline (Franklin C. 2011; Even P., Debré B. 2012; Emanuel E.J., Fuchs V.R. 2008). There is another political inconsistency of this model: on the one hand, millions of people cannot access the drugs, and on the other, unnecessary and harmful drugs are consumed.

f) Adverse effects.

Reducing marketing pressure and diverting part of that money to training professionals on independent platforms would also have an impact on reducing the adverse effects of drugs, which in the European Union cause approximately 200,000 deaths per year and have a high cost, over 79 billion euros per year (Archibald K. et al., 2011).

g) Secrecy as to costs and prices.

There is no other sector of public procurement in which secrecy with respect to product costs that are paid for with public moneys can be tolerated (except spy agencies).

Details must be known as to how much it costs to produce a drug. How much does it cost for research, manufacturing, sales, etc. Depending on that knowledge, a patent may be granted, and a reasonable price set, that recoups the research cost over the time that protects the patent. More than that is an abuse or stupidity.

PROPOSALS

Three complementary strategies are proposed (with short-, medium- and long-term effects), which can be implemented simultaneously (Lamata et al. 2015). These strategies can contribute to development of the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, and the human right to health.

1. REDUCING PRICES, BRINGING THEM CLOSE TO ACTUAL PRODUCTION COST, BY STRENGTHENING GOVERNMENT NEGOTIATING POWER. Short-term effect.

It is necessary to apply fair prices. As long as the patent model is maintained, or in the absence of effective competition, prices must basically be set by production cost (manufacturing cost + R&D cost), duly audited, plus a reasonable profit (5%); prices must not be set at the most the patient or healthcare system is willing to pay.

To achieve fair prices it is necessary to regain the discourse, remembering the initial justification for the patent system, and increasing the negotiating power of governments over the industry’s negotiating strength (which, let us not forget, is largely based on the granting of patents by the same governments). It is also very important to guarantee the technical solvency and independence of all professionals involved in decision-making on pricing and reimbursement.

The Office of the General Secretary could recommend the following measures to Member States:

- Carry out joint initiatives (several companies, a region, etc.): fairest price-setting model, joint purchases.

- Authorize marketing only for drugs that add value. Withdraw marketing authorization for drugs that do not add value; be demanding while maintaining conditions of quality and safety.

- Reimburse (publicly finance) drugs that add value and de-finance those that do not add value.

- Negotiate and set prices based on manufacturing and research costs, plus a reasonable sales margin (at the average for the industrial sector, 5%), by which a significant spending reduction would be achieved. Don’t fall for the industry strategy of setting prices by so-called “value” (unless monopolies are eliminated and effective competition with generics is immediately guaranteed).

- Cost-effectiveness studies are useful, but must be used to not include or to exclude (authorization / reimbursement) drugs or healthcare services if they do not add value, if they are not effective. These studies are not a sufficient basis for price setting. It is not admissible to set prices at the maximum a patient or country is willing to pay (and can pay) (value), while at the same time limiting competition through patents. Both mechanisms should not be used at the same time. As noted, patents are used to recoup R&D costs, not to increase prices to the maximum someone is willing to pay (value).

- Guarantee the independence of the auditing agencies. Exclusively public financing of agencies. Prohibit industry financing.

- Guarantee the independence of professionals. Train with public financing. Gradually limit / prohibit industry-financed training, as well as the financing of publications, congresses, etc.

- Guarantee the independence of patient associations, ensuring public financing. Gradually limit / prohibit industry financing.

- Demand and regulate cost and price transparency, as well as the relations of the agents involved in drug and industry decisions.

This strategy may have a short-term impact; it would increase political consistency between industry benefits and public health objectives, it would have an impact on access to drugs and the sustainability of healthcare systems (human right to health and improvement of public health). It is possible to implement it with firm support from international institutions (Office of the General Secretary, WHO, EU, etc.). From a financial standpoint it would yield significant savings. It would require a small initial investment, to create a high-level task force that would promote the strategy among national and international institutions (discourse, information, etc.).


2. PROMOTING THE APPROVAL OF MANDATORY LICENSES WHERE APPLICABLE. Short- / medium-term effect.

If companies do not agree to adjust prices to costs, this might be construed as misuse of a patent, and a patent’s purpose is not to enrich a company, but rather to guarantee its stability to continue the research and development of new drugs. In this case, a mandatory license should be granted for other companies to be able to immediately manufacture the drug at the generic price.

Domestic law and international patent agreements contain sufficient elements as to address the problem that has been raised, through exceptions and restrictions on the rights conferred by patents. The concession of mandatory licenses has been used in some cases, in various countries and with a positive impact on access to drugs.

If there are no private companies that wish to manufacture generics at cost price, or if a company gains monopoly power over an unpatented drug, increasing prices in exaggerated fashion (as in the case of Daraprim), governments should organize production through a public company, to address this risk to public health. Another viable option would be to authorize imports. In this regard, it would be very convenient to coordinate between countries and healthcare system financing sources.

This strategy would correct the disequilibrium between industry benefits and the rights of patients and society, it would have an impact by improving access to drugs and the sustainability of health systems (human right to health and improvement in public health). Implementation and necessary resources similar to Strategy 1.

3- DE-LINKING RESEARCH FINANCING FROM PRICES. Long-term effect.

This strategy can yield fruit in the medium / long term. It has been proposed for some years (WHO), and is advancing very slowly, with some partial experiences.

It must be noted that 50% of research financing is already public, through scholarships, public research institutes, subsidies, awards, etc. Further, 75% of innovative molecules in the US originate from public financing (Mazzucato M. 2011, 2015). The other 50% of financing is contributed by industry, with the “extra” money paid by patients or healthcare systems, through the overcharging that governments allow to monopolies. If overcharging were not permitted, that money (15-17% of the sale price) could be channeled into research and development directly. As noted, this would prevent other inefficiencies (spending on marketing, over-prescription, excess returns, etc., yielding savings of some 30% on current spending).

It would require a global (or regional) open platform (or platforms) for public research, with public financing and control, priorities set in relation to health needs, coordination of teams, open research, and drugs sold at generic prices. Variations of this idea have been proposed by the WHO, MSF and other organizations. Several partial experiences have been developed for the development of drugs by non-profit organizations, demonstrating the viability of this formula (Kiddell-Monroe R et al 2016).

In this regard, the Office of the General Secretary can promote the processing of an International Agreement on Drug Research and Development. R&D would be gradually de-linked from drug prices (avoiding the concession of patents).

This could begin with a public research platform to research and develop antibiotics, as has been suggested in some proposals to the WHO and the OECD [Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). This public financing platform would assume control and direction from the governments, with subsidiary participation by companies. Any drug developed from that initiative would be considered a public good, with a social patent and a generic drug price from the very start.

This strategy would correct the disequilibrium between the pharmaceutical industry and the rights of patients and society, have an impact on drug accessibility, orient research toward public health priorities, promote research, and increase the efficiency of funding allocated to research. It is politically complex, and so far has not advanced significantly. An attempt has been made by the WHO, but it is advancing slowly, due to strong resistance from industry (and some governments). Backing by the Office of the General Secretary could be key. Financially, it would yield significant savings. It could require an initial investment to develop the platform or platforms.

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Fernando Lamata (Original Language)

Fernando Lamata (Original Language)

Name of Lead Author: Fernando Lamata
Organization: Regional Health Service, Madrid
Country: Spain

Abstract

En todos los países del mundo hay muchas personas que no han podido acceder a los medicamentos que necesitaban. Se está violando el derecho humano a la salud, y en muchos casos el derecho a la vida.

La implementación del modelo actual de monopolios para la comercialización de medicamentos ha generado graves incoherencias con las políticas que promueven los derechos humanos, como el derecho a la salud. Esta implementación no garantiza el acceso a los medicamentos a millones de personas en todo el mundo por los elevados precios de los medicamentos, impidiendo resolver importantes problemas de salud pública. Este modelo tampoco garantiza la investigación y la disponibilidad de de los medicamentos en función de las necesidades de salud. Y, además, este modelo es muy ineficiente.

Se proponen tres estrategias, con efecto a corto, medio y largo plazo, para contribuir a re-equilibrar el balance en el sistema de innovación, desarrollo, producción y acceso a los medicamentos, contribuyendo así a que todas la personas puedan vivir en salud y con dignidad (Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, Objetivo 3).

1) Entre tanto se mantenga el sistema de patentes, se debe modificar la implementación del modelo, impulsando y logrando la negociación de precios justos, cercanos al coste de producción (coste de fabricación + I&D), más un beneficio prudente (5%). Para ello se debe aumentar el poder de negociación de los gobiernos frente a las multinacionales farmacéuticas, mediante las medidas oportunas. El impulso de estas medidas desde la Secretaría General sería muy deseable.
2) Cuando no se consigan precios justos se debe agilizar y generalizar la aplicación de licencias obligatorias.
3) Sustituir el sistema de monopolio por un sistema donde la investigación y desarrollo de medicamentos se realice desde Plataformas Públicas de Investigación, y los medicamentos se fabriquen y vendan a precio de genérico.

Submission

El actual sistema de fijación de precios de los medicamentos y de financiación de la investigación, basado en el monopolio que conceden las patentes, funciona bien para las empresas, pero funciona mal para los pacientes, para los sistemas de salud y para la sociedad. Veamos las incoherencias del modelo:

a) Precios exageradamente altos: fijación de los precios por el “valor”, manteniendo al mismo tiempo el monopolio (el modelo de patentes).

El acceso a las medicinas que contribuyen a mantener y recuperar la salud y evitar la muerte prematura es un derecho humano fundamental. Este derecho se está violando. Hay millones de personas en el mundo que no pueden acceder a los medicamentos que necesitan porque ellos o sus sistemas sanitarios no pueden pagar el alto precio que exigen los fabricantes. Estos precios tan elevados detraen recursos necesarios para atender otros problemas de salud de miles de personas, y ponen en riesgo la viabilidad de los sistemas sanitarios.

Las empresas que fabrican productos intentan poner el precio más alto que puede pagar el mercado (en este caso los pacientes o los sistemas de salud). En un mercado abierto, la competencia haría bajar los precios acercándolos al precio de coste de fabricación. Los parlamentos y los gobiernos aprobaron las patentes de los medicamentos con el fin de proteger a las empresas innovadoras, concediéndoles el monopolio, la exclusividad de comercialización. Este monopolio permitiría cobrar un sobre-precio durante 10-20 años para poder recuperar el coste de la investigación. Esa y no otra es la justificación del monopolio.

Pero, en los últimos años, muchas empresas farmacéuticas han utilizado ese monopolio para poner precios exageradamente altos, muy por encima del coste de la investigación. Estos precios favorecen a las empresas, que a) logran altas rentabilidades por ventas (20%) y, b) impulsan la revalorización de las acciones, aumentando el valor de su capitalización (medicamento como “producto financiero”). Al precio de coste de producción (coste de fabricación + coste de I&D) más un beneficio razonable (5%), un precio justo, se podrían evitar millones de muertes y mucho sufrimiento. ¿Por qué no se hace?

Cuando se ha objetivado que el coste de la investigación no justifica estos sobre-precios (por ejemplo, 5.000% sobre el coste), las empresas farmacéuticas han empezado a hablar del precio por “valor” (los años de vida ganados, los ahorros en otros tratamientos, el precio de otros productos similares que fueron autorizados antes, o la autorización como medicamentos huérfanos). Pero ninguna de estas razones justifica el monopolio, la patente.

Con el criterio de precio por valor, los antibióticos, o algunos procedimientos quirúrgicos como la apendicectomía, o la cura de una herida por una enfermera, o el diagnóstico de un profesional de atención primaria, que salvan vidas, que ganan muchos Años de Vida Ajustados por Calidad (AVAC), y que ahorran muchos gastos, podrían tener precios de 1 millón $, o más, por cada intervención (a 30.000 $ por AVAC). Sería un disparate.

Como punto de partida de la negociación de precio por valor (lo máximo que está dispuesto a pagar un cliente) las empresas suelen tomar el precio fijado en EEUU (donde existe una alta renta y prohibición de negociación del precio). Después, se negocian precios en Europa y en los otros continentes, en función de la renta de cada país (ver Informe Wyden-Grassley, 2015).

Las empresas, una vez consiguen que se “desligue” el precio de lo que cuesta realmente (por ejemplo poner un precio de 100.000$ por algo que cuesta 1.000$), y una vez logran que el comprador (médicos, pacientes, reguladores) “acepten” que ese es el “coste”, proponen acuerdos de descuentos, precio por volumen, pago aplazado, riesgo compartido, etc. Todos estos métodos son “paliativos” del precio abusivo injustificado.

La patente, y el monopolio que permite fijar un sobre-precio, es un instrumento social cuya finalidad es garantizar que la empresa innovadora recupere la inversión en investigación y desarrollo. La patente se está utilizando de forma abusiva cuando una empresa aprovechara la posición dominante en el mercado para subir los precios hasta el límite máximo que el país pueda pagar. Esto es una incoherencia política grave.

b) El modelo de patentes no ha servido para incentivar la investigación y garantizar la disponibilidad de los medicamentos necesarios.

A pesar (o por causa) del sistema de patentes, la tasa de innovación ha caído, mientras el número de “me-too drugs” con poco o ningún valor terapéutico ha aumentado. Así lo han mostrado diferentes estudios (Lobo F 1989; Prescrire International 2005; Lee C 2006; ´t Hoen E 2009; Light DW, Warburton R 2011; de Boer 2015, etc.). Esta tendencia global tiene un impacto mucho más negativo para las necesidades de salud de las personas que viven en países de bajos ingresos.

También se ha cuestionado la imparcialidad, y por lo tanto la calidad, de la investigación cuando es financiada por la industria, al introducir importantes sesgos (Bell CM 2006; Sismondo S 2008; Lundh A 2012; Flacco ME 2015, etc.).

Por otro lado, este modelo condiciona que varios laboratorios realicen la misma investigación duplicando esfuerzos, riesgos para los pacientes que participan en los ensayos, y retrasando los avances científicos al no poder aprovechar los diferentes grupos de investigación los resultados de otros grupos.

Otros efectos de este modelo, que disminuyen la disponibilidad de los medicamentos, son: los retrasos en el lanzamiento de los nuevos medicamentos en un país; la retirada de medicamentos que son efectivos y baratos; o las situaciones de falta de suministro, debidas en parte a las dificultades de los países para pagar la factura farmacéutica, o a la resistencia en aceptar precios más elevados.

c) Ineficiencia del modelo de patentes para la sociedad (eficiencia exagerada para la industria).

Conviene subrayar que este modelo de financiación es, además, ineficiente.
El exceso de gasto en prescripción inadecuada, los efectos adversos evitables, el excesivo gasto de marketing (25% sobre ventas), y una tasa de beneficios que es mucho más alta que la media del sector industrial (20% frente a 5% sobre ventas), hacen ineficiente este modelo de financiar la investigación.

Si aplicamos un nuevo modelo en el que no se pague la investigación a través del sobre-precio del monopolio, sino que se financie directamente, supondría un ahorro respecto al actual de alrededor de un 30% del gasto farmacéutico total, unos 300.000 millones de $ anuales a nivel mundial.

d) La influencia exagerada en los agentes decisores. El control del discurso.

El modelo actual de financiación de la investigación a través del sobre-precio ha generado otro fenómeno perverso: la influencia excesiva en la opinón de los profesionales, así como la de los tomadores de decisión en los organismos reguladores y en las asociaciones de pacientes.

Muchas asociaciones de pacientes, y de profesionales sanitarios están financiadas por la industria farmacéutica. Muchos especialistas están como asesores en diferentes comités (en ocasiones remunerados) de los laboratorios. Estos mismos profesionales son los que elaboran las guías clínicas y los documentos de consenso. Muchos ensayos clínicos son financiados por la industria, que controla los protocolos y la publicación de resultados. Finalmente, la industria trata de influir también a los reguladores, parlamentarios, miembros de los gobiernos, miembros de las Agencias, etc. Para ello utiliza diversas fórmulas: formación, conferencias, financiación de las Agencias del Medicamento y las Agencias de Calidad, financiación de campañas electorales, etc. (Angell M, 2004; House of Commons 2005 ; Smith R, 2005; Light, Lexchin, Darrow 2013; Council of Europe 2015; Batt, S, 2015; Wyden-Grassley 2015).

e) Prescripción inadecuada. Sobreprescripción.

Los elevadísimos gastos en marketing (25% sobre la facturación) y el control del discurso sobre las sociedades científicas, los reguladores y las asociaciones de pacientes, presionan para aumentar la prescripción, aumentar la demanda e imponer los precios injustificados. Sin esa presión se reduciría muy probablemente la prescripción inadecuada, que según la OMS llega al 50% (WHO 2004; Holloway K A 2011), y se reducirían las medicinas con poca o nula utilidad terapéutica (Franklin C 2011; Even P, Debré B 2012; Emanuel EJ, Fuchs VR 2008). Es otra incoherencia política de este modelo: por una parte millones de personas no pueden acceder a los medicamentos, por otro lado, se consumen medicamentos innecesarios y perjudiciales.

f) Efectos adversos.

La disminución de la presión del marketing y la reutilización de parte de ese dinero en formación de los profesionales desde plataformas independientes, repercutiría, además, en la disminución de los efectos adversos de los medicamentos, que en la Unión Europea causan alrededor de 200.000 muertes anuales y tienen un elevado coste, superior a los 79.000 millones de euros anuales (Archibald K et al 2011).

g) El secretismo en torno a los costes y los precios.

No hay ningún otro sector de compra pública en el que se pueda tolerar el secreto en relación con los costes de los productos que se pagan con dinero público (salvo en las agencias de espionaje).

Se debe conocer en detalle cuánto cuesta producir el medicamento. Cuánto cuesta la investigación, la fabricación, la comercialización, etc. En función de ese conocimiento, se puede conceder una patente, y se puede fijar un precio razonable, que recupere el coste de la investigación en el tiempo que protege la patente. Lo demás es un abuso o una estupidez.


PROPUESTAS

Se proponen tres estrategias complementarias (con efectos a corto, medio y largo plazo), que se pueden poner en marcha simultáneamente (Lamata et al 2015). Estas estrategias pueden contribuir al desarrollo de la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, y al derecho humano a la salud.

1. REDUCIR LOS PRECIOS, ACERCÁNDOLOS AL COSTE REAL DE PRODUCCIÓN, MEDIANTE EL REFUERZO DEL PODER DE NEGOCIACIÓN DE LOS GOBIERNOS. Efecto a corto plazo.

Es preciso lograr precios justos. Mientras se mantenga el modelo de patentes, o en ausencia de competencia efectiva, el precio debe fijarse esencialmente por el coste de producción (coste de fabricación + coste de I&D), debidamente auditado, más un beneficio prudente (5%); el precio no debe ser fijado por el máximo que está dispuesto a pagar el paciente o el sistema de salud.

Para lograr precios justos es preciso recuperar el discurso, recordando la justificación inicial del sistema de patentes, y aumentar la fuerza de negociación de los gobiernos en relación con la fuerza de negociación de la industria (que, no olvidemos, está en buena parte basada en la concesión de las patentes por parte de los mismos gobiernos). Así mismo es importante garantizar la solvencia técnica y la independencia de todos los profesionales que intervienen en la toma de decisiones sobre precio y reembolso.

La Secretaría General podría recomendar las siguientes medidas a los Estados Miembros:

- Llevar a cabo iniciativas conjuntas (varios países, una región, etc.): modelo de fijación de precios más justo, compras conjuntas.

- Autorizar la comercialización únicamente de medicamentos que aporten valor. Retirar la autorización de comercialización medicamentos que no aportan valor; ser exigente en las condiciones de calidad y seguridad.

- Reembolsar (financiar públicamente) los medicamentos que aporten valor y desfinanciar los que no aporten valor.

- Negociar y fijar precios en base a los costes de fabricación y de investigación, más un margen comercial prudente (en la media del sector industrial, 5%), con lo que se conseguiría una reducción sustancial del gasto. No caer en la estrategia de la industria de fijar precio por el llamado “valor” (salvo que se quite el monopolio y se garantice de inmediato la competencia de forma efectiva con genéricos).

- Los estudios de coste-efectividad son útiles, pero se deben usar para no incluir, o excluir (autorización / reembolso) medicamentos o prestaciones del Servcio de Saud cuando no añaden valor, cuando no son efectivos. Estos estudios no son la base adecuada para la fijación de los precios. No es admisible fijar los precios según lo máximo que esté dispuesto a pagar (y pueda pagar) un paciente o un país (el valor) y al mismo tiempo limitar la competencia con la patente. No se deben usar los dos mecanismos a la vez. Como se ha dicho, la patente está pensada para recuperar los costes de I+D, no para subir el precio hasta lo máximo que alguien esté dispuesto a pagar (valor).

- Garantizar la independencia de los organismos evaluadores. Financiación exclusivamente pública de las Agencias. Prohibir la financiación por parte de la industria.

- Garantizar la independencia de los profesionales. Formación con financiación pública. Limitar progresivamente / prohibir la formación financiada por la industria, así como la financiación de publicaciones, congresos, etc.

- Garantizar la independencia de las asociaciones de pacientes, asegurando financiación pública. Limitar progresivamente / Prohibir la financiación a través de la industria.

- Exigir y regular transparencia en costes y precios, así como en las relaciones de los agentes implicados en decisiones con los medicamentos y la industria.

Esta estrategia puede tener impacto en corto plazo; aumentaría la coherencia política entre los beneficios de la industria y los objetivos de salud pública, tendría impacto sobre el acceso a los medicamentos y la sostenibilidad de los sistemas de salud (derecho humano a la salud y mejora de la salud pública). Es posible implantarla, con respaldo firme de instituciones internacionales (Secretaría General, OMS, UE, etc.). Desde el punto de vista financiero supondría importantes ahorros. Requeriría una pequeña inversión inicial, para crear un Equipo de Trabajo de Alto Nivel que impulsara la estrategia en las instituciones nacionales e internacionales (discurso, información, etc.).


2. PROMOVER LA APROBACIÓN DE LICENCIAS OBLIGATORIAS CUANDO PROCEDA. Efecto a corto / medio plazo.

Si las empresas no aceptaran ajustar los precios a los costes, podría entenderse que hay un mal uso de la patente, ya que la finalidad de la patente no es el enriquecimiento de la empresa, sino la garantía de su estabilidad para mantener la investigación y desarrollo de nuevos medicamentos. En este caso, se debería conceder licencia obligatoria para que otras empresas pudieran fabricar de inmediato el medicamento a precio de genérico.

Las legislaciones nacionales y acuerdos internacionales sobre patentes contienen elementos suficientes para hacer frente al problema planteado, mediante excepciones y limitaciones a los derechos conferidos por las patentes. La concesión de Licencias Obligatorias se ha utilizado en algunos casos, en diferentes países y con buen impacto en el acceso a los medicamentos.

Si no hubiera empresas privadas que quisieran fabricar el genérico a precio de coste, o si una empresa consigue el poder de monopolio sobre un medicamento sin patente, subiendo los precios de manera exagerada (caso Daraprim), los gobiernos deberían organizar la producción a través de una empresa pública, al tratarse un riesgo para la salud pública. Otra opción viable es autorizar la importación. En este aspecto sería muy conveniente la coordinación entre países y financiadores de los sistemas de salud.

Esta estrategia corregiría el desequilibrio entre los beneficios de la industria y los derechos de los pacientes y la sociedad, tendría impacto mejorando el acceso a los medicamentos y la sostenibilidad de los sistemas de salud (derecho humano a la salud y mejora de la salud pública). Implementación y recursos necesarios similares a la Estrategia 1.

3-DESLIGAR LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN DE LOS PRECIOS. Efecto a largo plazo.

Esta estrategia puede rendir frutos en un medio-largo plazo. Se lleva proponiendo desde hace años (OMS) y avanza muy despacio, con algunas experiencias parciales.

Hay que subrayar que ya el 50% de la financiación de la investigación es pública, a través de becas, institutos públicos de investigación, subvenciones, premios, etc. Así mismo, el 75% de las moléculas innovadoras en EEUU tienen origen en financiación pública (Mazzucato M 2011, 2015). El otro 50% de la financiación lo aporta la industria, con el dinero “extra” que pagan los pacientes o los sistemas de salud, a través del sobre-precio que conceden los gobiernos con el monopolio. Si no se permite el sobre-precio, ese dinero (15-17% del precio de venta) se podría canalizar a la investigación y desarrollo directamente. Y, como se ha visto, se evitarían así otras ineficiencias (gasto en marketing, sobreprescripción, beneficio excesivo, etc., pudiendo ahorrar un 30% del gasto actual).

Se trataría de una plataforma abierta (o plataformas) global (o regional) de investigación pública, con financiación y control públicos, prioridades fijadas en relación con las necesidades de salud, coordinación de equipos, investigación abierta, y medicamentos puestos a la venta a precio de genérico. Variantes de esta idea han sido propuestas por la OMS, MSF y otras organizaciones. Se han desarrollado varias experiencias parciales para el desarrollo de medicamentos por organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro, que muestran la viabilidad de esta fórmula (Kiddell-Monroe R et al 2016).

En este sentido, la Secretaría General puede impulsar la tramitación de un Convenio Internacional sobre investigación y desarrollo de medicamentos. La I+D se desligaría progresivamente del precio del medicamento (evitando la concesión de patentes).

Se podría comenzar con una Plataforma Pública de Investigación, para investigar y desarrollar antibióticos, tal como han sugerido en algunas propuestas la OMS y la OECD. Esta plataforma de financiación pública debe asumir el control y la dirección desde los Gobiernos, con una participación subsidiaria de las empresas. Todos los medicamentos desarrollados a partir de esa iniciativa serían considerados bien público, con patente social y precio de medicamento genérico desde el primer momento.

Esta estrategia corregiría el desequilibrio entre la industria farmacéutica y los derechos de los pacientes y la sociedad, tiene impacto en la accesibilidad a los medicamentos, en la orientación de la investigación a las prioridades de salud pública, en el fomento de investigación, en aumento de la eficiencia de los recursos destinados a investigación. Políticamente es compleja, y hasta ahora no ha avanzado significativamente. Se ha intentado desde la OMS, pero se avanza con lentitud, por las fuertes resistencias de la industria (y de algunos gobiernos). El respaldo de la Secretaría General podría ser clave. Financieramente tendría ahorros importantes. Podría requerir inversión inicial para el desarrollo de la Plataforma o Plataformas.

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Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem, University of Dschang_B (English Translation)

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem, University of Dschang_B (English Translation)

Name of Lead Author: Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem
Organization: University of Dschang
Country: Cameroon

Abstract

The success of intellectual property rights (IPR) in today’s global economy has opened doors to its expansion to include all types of goods that can bring capital gain to their holders. This upswing in the knowledge economy raises the issue of protecting traditional medicine (TM). In fact, TM takes on particular importance in exercising the right to health, since a large portion of the population resorts to TM, especially in developing countries. At the same time, TM sparks the interest of pharmaceutical industries, which rely on it for medical research that may result in inventions eligible for protection by IPR. Consequently, at issue is reconciling the protection of TM with the need for access to public health care and accommodating the interests of those who possess knowledge of traditional medicine, who are generally found in indigenous communities. Currently, mechanisms of protection vary between adoption of existing intellectual property rights (IPR) and the sui generis systems for protecting TM. However, none of these seem to offer sufficient guarantees of protection that would satisfy all the interests at play.

This paper contends that targeted modification of preexisting IPR could provide appropriate protection. This would mean introducing into these legislations a disclosure of origin requirement backed by sanctions. The principal lacuna in the current system is that it provided for this requirement without attaching sufficiently persuasive and effective sanctions. When it comes to implementation, the fact remains that such a measure would only be effective if recognized on an international level.

Submission

Promoting health through protection of traditional medicine by means of a modified international system of intellectual property rights

 The success of intellectual property rights (IPR) in today’s global economy has opened doors to its expansion to all types of goods that may bring capital gain to their owners. In the wake of this upswing in the knowledge economy, protecting traditional medicine (TM) poses a serious problem.

 Traditional medicine, like all traditional knowledge of which it forms a part, is a complex reality. It includes agricultural, scientific, technical, ecological and medical knowledge, knowledge linked to biodiversity, expressions of folklore, linguistic elements and cultural property (WIPO 2001), and the list goes on (WTO, Document IP/C/W/404 of June 26, 2003). It incorporates ancestral knowledge, belief systems and values of indigenous communities. It has no general definition widely accepted in the field. WHO has adopted a working definition of traditional medicine as “including diverse health practices, approaches, knowledge and beliefs incorporating plant, animal, and/or mineral based medicines, spiritual therapies, manual techniques and exercises applied singularly or in combination to maintain well-being, as well as to treat, diagnose or prevent illness” (WHO 2002). This set of knowledge and techniques is used to diagnose, prevent or eliminate an imbalance of physical, mental or social well-being.

The importance of TM in achieving the right to health has already been demonstrated. In African countries, 80% of the population resorts to TM to address their health care needs. In certain countries, the usage rate exceeds 90% of the population (WHO 2003). When traditional medicine is mentioned, the first thought is often that it refers to a specific practice of developing countries. But that is a mistaken notion. Systems of TM exist in numerous industrialized countries, where the term complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) is used to designate traditional medicine, and at times TM is better recognized and protected in those places than in certain developing countries. Such is the case in Australia and Canada. Furthermore, in most countries where a system of TM, whether formal or informal, subsists alongside conventional medicine, the problems that arise are nearly identical.

On the whole, the dynamic and potentially innovative nature of traditional medicine is universally recognized. The effectiveness of using traditional medicine against challenges posed by illnesses old and new is now largely recognized and continues to grow (UNAIDS 2002). According to WHO estimates, 25% of modern medications are prepared using plants originally used in traditional medicine (WHO 2003). Products of nature offer an invaluable opportunity to discover and isolate new modern medications. Therein lies the importance of protecting traditional medicine.

The principles that should govern the protection of traditional knowledge have been subject to reflections on an international scale. They revolve around several major objectives; namely: the fight against biopiracy and illicit appropriation of traditional knowledge, the pursuit of equity and shared benefits, the conservation and preservation of traditional practices, as well as promoting the usefulness and importance of biological medicinal resources for development. As a general rule, the main concern is satisfying the needs of local or indigenous communities and populations. Most systems of protection are inspired by texts such as: the TRIPS Agreement; the International Convention for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV Convention, Act of 1978 and/or 1991); laws like those of UNESCO or WIPO for the protection of expressions of folklore; the Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD); the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources; the African Model Legislation for the Protection of the Rights of Local Communities, Farmers and Breeders, and for the Regulation of Access to Biological Resources (AML) of 1998; or the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 13 September 2007. Nevertheless, the logic that drives the protection of TM has failed to win unanimous support. At times, protection is understood to be a recourse to the instruments and principles of intellectual property, the main objective being to exclude unauthorized use of knowledge by third parties (WIPO 2012). At other times, it is perceived as a means of preserving traditional knowledge for all uses, likely to destroy or negatively affect the lifestyles of the populations that developed it (Correa 2001). Whatever the perception, it always contains the implicit idea of appropriation of traditional knowledge. Subsequently, effective protection of traditional medicine carries an association with recognition of a right to property. But what system should be used?

Current systems vary between adoption of existing intellectual property rights (IPR) and the sui generis systems for protecting traditional medicine. However, we feel that a better method for reconciling innovation with the need for lasting access to health care involves modifying current systems of intellectual property by integrating a disclosure of origin requirement backed by sanctions.

1. Insufficiency of current methods for protecting traditional medicine

In practice, all types of intellectual property rights can, depending on the case, be invoked to ensure the protection of traditional knowledge. Recourse can also be found in the systems currently in place, such as patents, copyright and related rights, geographical indications, brands, industrial designs, plant breeders’ rights, as well as the law on unfair competition. Another possible example of protection is offered by the system of trade secrets, which would allow traditional communities to control the diffusion of their knowledge, innovations and practices. These laws can be used in and of themselves to protect traditional knowledge, or reinforced by combining them with other IPR (WTO, IP/C/W/310, IP/C/M/28, IP/C/W/257, IP/C/W/209, IP/C/M/37/Add.1, IP/C/M/29). In a broad sense, the two major sets of IPR—literary and artistic property rights on one hand; industrial property rights, of which patent rights are the most symbolic model, on the other—are considered to be applicable according to which set the traditional knowledge to be protected resembles most closely. Traditional cultural expressions or expressions of folklore are more generally associated with the protection offered by copyright on literary and artistic works. The goal of such inclusion in copyright law is to allow traditional communities or property holders to benefit from a set of moral rights and authors’ rights on their knowledge. Traditional knowledge linked to biological and genetic resources is itself often associated with a mechanism of protection organized in the systems of patents and plant breeders’ rights.

Still, the system is far from watertight. Certainly, in discussions on the protection of intellectual property, traditional cultural expressions and traditional knowledge are generally the subject of their own debate, in WIPO, for example. But even so, that does not mean these questions are separate in traditional communities. The distinction between traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions does not necessarily reflect the holistic perception of each holder when it comes to his or her own integrated property.

For many holders, traditional knowledge and their form of expression are considered an indivisible whole. Given the interactions and links that can exist between all kinds of traditional knowledge, including traditional medicine, a holder could, depending on the case and which opportunity seems most logical, move from one classic IPR system to another.

In any case, this highlights the unsuitability of the requirements imposed by classic IPR for ensuring the protection of traditional medicine. To this point, the patents system provides one of the most illustrative examples. Traditionally, three criteria are required in order to be granted protection by patent laws: novelty, inventive step and industrial applicability. Meeting these requirements constitutes a veritable Stations of the Cross, an insurmountable obstacle, even, for the patentability of TM (Dashaco Tambutoh 2001). For that matter, the international IPR system is considered to facilitate more than reduce biopiracy and illicit appropriation of traditional knowledge, which, incidentally, seems to corroborate recent news (Boury 2016). In response to these insufficiencies, numerous countries have adopted sui generis systems of protection.

In Africa, the two major regional intellectual property organizations, OAPI (Organisation africaine de la propriété intellectuelle, African Intellectual Property Organization) and ARIPO (African Regional Intellectual Property Association), now have sui generis legislation in place to protect traditional knowledge. In other countries around the world, such as Ecuador, the Philippines, Thailand and Venezuela, specific laws or constitutional provisions encompass special protection for traditional knowledge and TM. But on the whole, uncertainties remain.

The sui generis systems devised by OAPI and ARIPO legislators, for example, suffer from a significant lack of substance. By and large, the conditions as well as the effects of sui generis laws put into place by regional African legislators resemble classic models for IPR, such as copyright and patent laws. Moreover, these adopted texts provide neither mechanisms for carrying out and settling litigation, nor sanctions or means of recourse for the period of protection. Now, in the absence of such mechanisms, the established law’s relevance is uncertain; the text’s legal value, dubious. Because they can impose upon form, but impose virtually nothing on substance, the adopted texts seem to serve better as a frame of reference for passing laws to protect traditional knowledge and TM on a national level. Hence the idea that an appropriate modification of preexisting IPR systems would be more effective.

2. Opportunity for modification of preexisting IPR systems on an international level by integrating a disclosure of origin requirement backed by sanctions

Serving as a compromise between acceptance and rejection of IPR in their current form, an intermediary approach consists of proposing to maintain the existing systems while including modifications that would curb their drawbacks. To that end, the prevailing idea is to introduce a disclosure of origin requirement for biological resources and traditional knowledge into the relevant patent texts. This would mean including, as an integral part of the IPR granting process, verification that biological resources and traditional knowledge were legitimately obtained and legal requirements in the country of origin were fulfilled. Essentially, defenders of this approach propose that the TRIPS Agreement be modified so that Members must require those seeking IPR on biological material or traditional (medical) knowledge to provide information on the source and country of origin of the traditional knowledge used in the invention, as well as proof that the national laws applicable to this knowledge have been respected. Failure to follow this provision should carry legal consequences (YOUSSFI née BRAHAM 2006; Correa 2003). Given the cross-border nature of research and development and business operations on biological resources and traditional knowledge, international recognition of the disclosure of origin requirement is necessary (Chouchena-Rojas and al. (eds.) 2005). In fact, a proposal from the African Group of WTO suggests that this requirement be introduced in article 29 of the TRIPS Agreement (Document IP/C/W/404, 26 June 2003), for provisions related to patent law.

One might consider, for example, that when the requirement is violated, and particularly when an inventor’s bad faith is established, the existing laws can be systematically retroceded to the profit of the indigenous communities concerned, without prejudice to any damages and interest.

3. Mechanisms for implementation

By and large, the disclosure of origin requirement appears to be the key modification that would minimize the drawbacks of protecting traditional medical knowledge by IPR, especially by patent law. More than anything else, it is in the effects of such a requirement that its impact and ability to ensure this protection can be measured. But no consensus has been reached on the means of implementing the requirement, or on the most appropriate sanctions (de Werra 2009), although the need for an international regulatory instrument has been recognized. There is a particular worry that introducing a disclosure of origin requirement would have negative consequences on the patent system, discouraging applicants to respect the laws (WTO, document IP/C/M/49). But to that it may be argued that the principle of good faith is one of international trade in general, and that a true inventor should not have to doubt his creation. Furthermore, disclosure of the origin of his invention would not take away from the originality of his work.

We believe that such a measure would carry numerous advantages:

- Ensuring respect for and access to traditional medicine for populations that need it

- Encouraging pharmaceutical innovation by not limiting research on biological materials and traditional knowledge

- Strengthening the principle of good faith in international trade

- Encouraging respect for the fundamental rights of indigenous communities

Because of the eminently cross-border nature of the biological resources and medical knowledge of traditional communities, it must be recognized that substantial coordination on an international scale is an essential factor to making this mechanism work. This coordination could rely on a legal instrument to rule on traditional knowledge, or, more pragmatically, on an amendment to the TRIPS Agreement that would include both a disclosure of origin requirement and sanctions for violations from all players. In other words, nations must have the political will to advance these debates in order to achieve lasting rights to health while respecting the fundamental rights of both indigenous communities and holders of IPR.

Bibliography and References

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(eds.), Disclosure Requirements: Ensuring Mutual Supportiveness between the WTO TRIPS Agreement and the CBD, IUCN and ICTSD, 2005. P.-A. COLLOT, « La protection des savoirs traditionnels, du droit international de la propriété intellectuelle au système de protection sui generis » [“Protecting traditional knowledge, from international intellectual property rights to sui generis protection systems”], Droit et cultures, 53/2007-1. UK Commission on Intellectual Property Rights (CIPR), Integrating Intellectual Property Rights and Development Policy, London, 2003. C. CORREA, - “Establishing a Disclosure of Origin Obligation in the TRIPS Agreement”, QUNO Occasional Paper 12, August 2003. – Integrating Public Health Concerns into Patent Legislation in Developing Countries, South Centre, 2001. J. DASHACO TAMBUTOH, “Intellectual Property Law Aspects of the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity – The Case of Traditional Medicine”, R.A.S.J. vol. 2, No. 1, 2001, p. 254. Ch. DUMESNIL, « Les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux pillés par le droit des brevets ? » [“Is Traditional Medicine being Plundered by Patent Law?”], RIDE 3/2012, p. 321 et s. A.-C. GAYET, « La protection du savoir traditionnel comme partie intégrante d'une nouvelle approche de la propriété intellectuelle » [“Protecting traditional knowledge as an integral part of a new approach to intellectual property”], Lex Electronica, vol. 14 n°2 (Automne / Fall 2009). P. J. LOWE GNINTEDEM, - Droit des brevets et santé publique dans l’espace OAPI [Patent and Public Health Laws within WIPO], Aix-en-Provence, Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille (PUAM), Horizons juridiques africains collection, vol. VIII, December 2014, 448 p. - “Intellectual Property and Technology Transfer to African Countries: Is International Law a Beneficial Policy?”, in Theresa MOYO (ed.), Trade and Industrial Development in Africa: Rethinking Strategy and Policy, Dakar, CODESRIA, 2014, p. 225-244. - « L’équilibre des intérêts dans les systèmes sui generis de protection des savoirs traditionnels en Afrique » [“Balancing interest in sui generis systems for protecting traditional knowledge in Africa”], in Laurence BOY † (dir.), Les déséquilibres économiques et le droit économique [Economic imbalances and economic law], Larcier, Droit/économie internationale collection, December 2014, p. 169-181. WTO (World Trade Organization), WTO African Group, Document IP/C/W/404 of 26 June 2003. WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization), - Consolidated Document Relating to Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (GRTKF), WIPO/GRTKF/IC/23, 23rd session, 4-8 February 2013. - WIPO, Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Traditional Cultural Expressions, WIPO Publication no. 933, 2012. - Intellectual Property Needs and Expectations of Traditional Knowledge Holders (WIPO Report on Fact-Finding Missions on Intellectual Property and Traditional Knowledge) – (1998-1999), WIPO, Geneva, 2001. WHO, - “Traditional Medicine (TM), Aide-mémoire No. 134, Revised May 2003. – WHO Traditional Medicine (TM) Strategy for 2002-2005, WHO, Geneva, 2002. UNAIDS, Des remèdes ancestraux pour une maladie nouvelle : L’intégration des guérisseurs traditionnels à la lutte contre le SIDA accroît l’accès aux soins et à la prévention en Afrique de l’Est [Ancestral Remedies for a New Disease: Integrating traditional healers in the fight against AIDS increases access to care and prevention in East Africa], UNAIDS, UNAIDS Best Practices Collection, November 2002. D. A. POSEY et G. DUTFIELD, Le marché mondial de la propriété intellectuelle : droits des communautés traditionnelles et indigènes [Beyond intellectual property : toward traditional resource rights for indigenous peoples and local communities], CRDI and WWF, 1997. E. SACKEY, « L’aube d’un temps nouveau pour les dépositaires des savoirs traditionnels en Afrique » [“A new dawn for custodians of TK in Africa”], WIPO Magazine, December 2010, no. 6, p. 20-22. Southern Africa Network for Biosciences (SANBio), Traditional Knowledge and Plant Genetic Resources Guidelines, Southern Africa Network for Biosciences SANBio / NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency [SANBio/NEPAD Agency] 2012. J. de WERRA, “Fighting Against Biopiracy: Does the Obligation to Disclose in Patent Applications Truly Help?”, Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law Vol. 42, 2009, p. 155-158. D. ZOGRAFOS, “The Public Interest in the Globally Sustainable Information Society: the traditional knowledge debate”, E–Learning, Volume 3, Number 3, 2006, p. 489-490.

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem_B (Original Language)

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem_B (Original Language)

Name of Lead Author: Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem
Organization: University of Dschang
Country: Cameroon

Abstract

Le succès contemporain des droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI) dans l’économie mondiale a conduit à envisager sa généralisation à tous les types de biens susceptibles d’apporter une plus-value à leur titulaire. Cette montée de l’économie de l’immatériel soulève le problème de la protection de la médecine traditionnelle (MT). En effet, la MT revêt une importance particulière pour l’exercice du droit à la santé puisqu’une large portion de la population, notamment dans les pays en développement y a recours. En même temps, elle suscite l’intérêt des industries pharmaceutiques qui y prennent appui pour les recherches médicales pouvant aboutir à des inventions susceptible de protection par les DPI. Dès lors, l’enjeu est de concilier la protection de la MT avec les nécessités d’accès aux soins de santé publique et l’aménagement des intérêts des détenteurs de savoirs médicinaux traditionnels que sont, en général, les communautés autochtones. En l’état actuel, les mécanismes de protection varient entre l’adoption des droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI) existant et les régimes sui generis de protection de la MT. Pourtant, aucun ne semble offrir des garanties suffisantes d’une protection permettant de concilier tous les intérêts en jeu.

La présente contribution considère qu’une modification ciblée des DPI préexistants pourrait offrir une protection appropriée. Il s’agirait d’introduire dans ces législations une obligation de divulgation d’origine assortie de sanctions. La principale lacune du système actuel est d’avoir envisagé cette obligation sans y rattacher des sanctions suffisamment persuasives et efficaces. Il reste que pour sa mise en œuvre, une telle mesure ne serait efficace qu’à la condition d’une reconnaissance internationale.

Submission

Promouvoir la santé à travers la protection de la médecine traditionnelle dans le cadre d'un système international de droits de propriété intellectuelle mdifié

Le succès contemporain des droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI) dans l’économie mondiale a conduit à envisager sa généralisation à tous les types de biens susceptibles d’apporter une plus-value à leur titulaire. Dans la foulée de cette montée de l’économie de l’immatériel, le problème de la protection de la médecine traditionnelle (MT) se pose avec acuité.

C’est que, la MT traduit tout comme les savoirs traditionnels auxquels elle s’intègre une réalité complexe. Elle inclut les savoirs agricoles, scientifiques, techniques, écologiques et médicaux, les savoirs liés à la biodiversité, les expressions du folklore, les éléments linguistiques et les biens culturels (OMPI 2001), la liste n’étant pas exhaustive (OMC, Document IP/C/W/404 du 26 juin 2003). Elle intègre les connaissances ancestrales, les systèmes de croyances et les valeurs des communautés indigènes et autochtones. Il n’existe pas en la matière de définition générale acceptée par tous. L’OMS adopte une définition de travail indiquant que la médecine traditionnelle « se rapporte aux pratiques, méthodes, savoirs et croyances en matière de santé qui impliquent l’usage à des fins médicales de plantes, de parties d’animaux et de minéraux, de thérapies spirituelles, de techniques et d’exercices manuels – séparément ou en association – pour soigner, diagnostiquer et prévenir les maladies ou préserver la santé » (OMS 2002). Cet ensemble de connaissances et techniques sert à diagnostiquer, prévenir ou éliminer un déséquilibre du bien être physique, mental ou social.

L’importance de la MT dans la réalisation du droit à la santé n’est plus à démontrer. Dans les pays africains, 80 % de la population a recours à la MT pour répondre à leurs besoins en matière de soins de santé. Dans certains pays, ce taux d’utilisation dépasserait le seuil des 90 % de la population (OMS 2003). Devant la référence à la médecine traditionnelle, le premier réflexe est souvent de penser qu’il s’agit d’une pratique spécifique des PED. Mais cette pensée est erronée. Les systèmes de MT existent dans de nombreux pays industrialisés. L’on y fait référence à l’utilisation de la médecine parallèle et complémentaire (MCP) pour désigner la médecine traditionnelle et parfois, elle y est mieux reconnue et protégée que dans certains PED. C’est le cas de pays comme l’Australie et le Canada. Par ailleurs, dans la plupart des pays où il subsiste à côté de la médecine conventionnelle un système de MT formel ou informel, les problèmes soulevés sont souvent pratiquement identiques. 

Dans l’ensemble, l’on reconnaît unanimement le caractère dynamique et potentiellement innovant de la médecine traditionnelle. L’efficacité de l’utilisation de la médecine traditionnelle pour faire face aux défis posés par les maladies anciennes et nouvelles est aujourd’hui largement reconnue et ne cesse de croître (ONUSIDA 2002). D’après les estimations de l’OMS, 25 % des médicaments modernes sont préparés à base de plantes qui ont au départ été utilisées traditionnellement (OMS 2003). Les produits naturels offrent une opportunité inestimable pour la découverte et l’isolement de nouveaux médicaments modernes. A ce niveau se situe le problème de la protection de la médecine traditionnelle.

Les principes qui doivent gouverner la protection des savoirs traditionnels ont fait l’objet de réflexions à l’échelle internationale. Ils s’articulent autour de quelques objectifs majeurs, notamment : la lutte contre la biopiraterie et l’appropriation illicite des savoirs traditionnels, la recherche de l’équité et le partage des avantages, la conservation et la préservation des pratiques traditionnelles ainsi que la promotion de l’utilité et de l’importance des ressources biologiques médicinales pour le développement. En règle générale, le principal souci est la satisfaction des besoins des communautés et des populations indigènes ou locales. La plupart des systèmes de protection sont inspirés de textes tels que : l’accord sur les ADPIC ; la Convention internationale pour la protection des obtentions végétales (Convention UPOV, Acte de 1978 et/ou de 1991) ; la loi type de l’UNESCO et de l’OMPI pour la protection des expressions du folklore ; la Convention sur la diversité biologique (CDB) ; le Traité international sur les ressources phytogénétiques ; la Loi modèle africaine sur la protection des droits des communautés, des agriculteurs et des obtenteurs et les contrôles de l’accès aux ressources génétiques (LMA) de 1998 ; ou la Déclaration des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones du 13 septembre 2007. Cependant, la logique qui anime la protection de la MT ne fait pas l’unanimité. Tantôt, la protection est comprise comme le recours aux instruments et principes de la propriété intellectuelle avec pour objectif principal d’exclure l’usage non autorisé du savoir par des tiers (OMPI 2012). Tantôt encore, elle est perçue comme un moyen de préserver les savoirs traditionnels de tout usage de nature à les détruire ou à affecter négativement le style de vie des populations qui l’ont développé (Correa 2001). Quelle que soit la conception retenue, se retrouve toujours en filigrane une idée d’appropriation des savoirs traditionnels. Subséquemment, la reconnaissance d’un droit de propriété est associée à une protection efficace des savoirs traditionnels. Mais quel système fut-il retenir ?

Les systèmes actuels varient entre l’adoption des DPI existant et les régimes sui generis de protection de la médecine traditionnelle. Mais, il nous semble qu’une méthode permettant de concilier l’innovation avec les besoins d’accès durable aux soins de santé résiderait davantage dans la modification des systèmes actuels de propriété intellectuelle par l’intégration d’une obligation de divulgation d’origine assortie de sanctions.

1. Les insuffisances des modes actuels de protection de la médecine traditionnelle

Pratiquement, tous les types de droits de propriété intellectuelle peuvent selon les cas être invoqués pour assurer la protection des savoirs traditionnels. L’on pourra ainsi avoir recours aux systèmes en vigueur tels que les brevets, le droit d’auteur et les droits connexes, les indications géographiques, les marques, les dessins et modèles industriels, les droits d’obtention végétale, ainsi que la loi sur la concurrence déloyale. Un autre exemple de protection possible est offert par le système des secrets commerciaux qui permettrait aux communautés traditionnelles de contrôler la diffusion de leurs connaissances, innovations et pratiques. Ces droits peuvent être utilisés en soi pour la protection des savoirs traditionnels, ou renforcés par la combinaison avec d’autres DPI (OMC, IP/C/W/310, IP/C/M/28, IP/C/W/257, IP/C/W/209, IP/C/M/37/Add.1, IP/C/M/29). Schématiquement, les deux grands ensembles des DPI que sont les droits de propriété littéraire et artistique d’une part, et les droits de propriété industrielle dont le modèle le plus emblématique est le droit des brevets d’autre part, sont considérés comme applicables selon que le savoir traditionnel à protéger se rapproche plus de l’un ou de l’autre ensemble. Les expressions culturelles traditionnelles ou expressions du folklore sont plus généralement associées à la protection offerte dans le cadre des droits des auteurs sur leurs œuvres littéraires et artistiques. Une telle inclusion au sein du droit d’auteur a pour but de permettre aux communautés traditionnelles ou aux détenteurs de bénéficier d’un ensemble de droits moraux et de droits patrimoniaux sur leurs savoirs. Les savoirs traditionnels liés aux ressources biologiques et génétiques sont, eux, souvent associés au mécanisme de protection organisé dans le cadre du système des brevets et du droit d’obtention végétal. 
Cependant, la séparation est loin d’être étanche. Certes, dans les discussions sur la protection de la propriété intellectuelle, les expressions culturelles traditionnelles et les savoirs traditionnels font généralement l’objet d’un débat distinct au sein de l’OMPI par exemple. Mais cela ne signifie pas pour autant que ces questions sont séparées au sein des collectivités traditionnelles. La distinction entre savoirs traditionnels et expressions culturelles traditionnelles ne représente pas nécessairement la perception holistique de chaque détenteur concernant son propre patrimoine intégré. Pour de nombreux détenteurs, les savoirs traditionnels et leur forme d’expression sont considérés comme un tout indissociable. Les interactions et les liens pouvant exister entre tous les savoirs traditionnels, y compris la médecine traditionnelle, permettent de comprendre que selon les cas, l’on puisse en fonction de l’opportunité qui semblerait la plus cohérente passer d’un système de DPI classique à un autre.

En tout état de cause, l’on souligne l’inadaptation des exigences imposées par les DPI classiques pour assurer une protection de la médecine traditionnelle. Le système des brevets fourni à cet effet l’un des exemples les plus illustratifs. Traditionnellement, trois critères sont exigés pour octroyer une protection par le droit des brevets : la nouveauté, l’activité inventive et la susceptibilité d’application industrielle. Le respect de ces exigences constitue un véritable chemin de croix, voire un obstacle quasi-infranchissable à la brevetabilité de la MT (Dashaco Tambutoh 2001). Au demeurant, l’on considère que le système international de DPI facilite plutôt qu’il ne permet de réduire la biopiraterie et l’appropriation illicite des savoirs traditionnels, ce que semble d’ailleurs corroborer l’actualité récente (Boury 2016). Sur le fondement de ces insuffisances de nombreux pays ont adopté des systèmes sui generis de protection.

En Afrique, les deux organisations régionales majeures en Afrique en matière de propriété intellectuelle que sont l’OAPI (Organisation africaine de la propriété intellectuelle) et l’ARIPO (Organisation régionale africaine de la propriété intellectuelle) disposent désormais de législations sui generis en matière de protection des savoirs traditionnels. Dans d’autres pays du monde, comme en Equateur, aux Philippines, en Thaïlande ou au Venezuela, des lois spécifiques ou des dispositions constitutionnelles encadrent la protection particulière des savoirs traditionnels et de la MT. Mais dans l’ensemble, les incertitudes demeurent.
Les systèmes sui generis conçus par les législateurs OAPI et ARIPO par exemple souffrent d’un manquement substantiel majeur. C’est que, dans l’ensemble, les conditions comme les effets du droit sui generis mis en œuvre par les législateurs régionaux africains le rapprochent des modèles classiques de DPI, notamment le droit d’auteur et le droit des brevets. Par ailleurs, pendant la durée de la protection, aucun mécanisme d’exécution et de règlement des litiges, ni de sanctions et de moyens de recours n’est effectivement prévu par les textes adoptés. Or, en l’absence de tels mécanismes, la pertinence du droit consacré est incertaine et la valeur juridique du texte douteuse. Parce qu’ils peuvent s’imposer sur la forme, mais n’imposent véritablement rien sur le fond, les textes adoptés semblent davantage servir de cadre de référence pour l’édiction au niveau national de règles de protection des savoirs traditionnels et de la MT. D’où l’idée qu’une modification appropriée des systèmes de DPI préexistants serait plus efficace.

2. L’opportunité d’une modification des systèmes préexistants de DPI à travers l’intégration au niveau mondial d’une obligation de divulgation d’origine assortie de sanctions
Opérant un compromis entre l’admission en l’état et le rejet des DPI existants, une approche intermédiaire consiste à proposer le maintien des systèmes existants en y incluant des modifications qui permettraient d’en juguler les inconvénients. En ce sens, l’idée prépondérante est d’introduire dans les textes pertinents en matière de brevets l’exigence de la divulgation de l’origine des ressources génétiques et des savoirs traditionnels. Il s’agirait d’insérer en tant que partie intégrante du processus d’octroi des DPI, la vérification que les ressources génétiques et les savoirs traditionnels ont été légitimement obtenus et que les exigences légales du pays d’origine ont été remplies. En substance, les défenseurs de cette approche proposent que l’Accord sur les ADPIC soit modifié de manière à obliger les Membres à exiger du déposant d’une demande de DPI portant sur du matériel biologique ou des savoirs (médicinaux) traditionnels qu’il donne les renseignements relatifs à la source et au pays d’origine des savoirs traditionnels utilisés dans l’invention, ainsi que la preuve du respect des règles nationales applicables pour ces savoirs. Le non respect de cette prescription devra emporter des conséquences juridiques (BRAHAM epse YOUSSFI 2006 ; Correa 2003). Etant donné le caractère transfrontière des opérations de recherche-développement ou de commerce portant sur les ressources génétiques et les savoirs traditionnels, une reconnaissance internationale de l’exigence de divulgation d’origine est nécessaire (Chouchena-Rojas and al. (eds.) 2005). Une proposition du Groupe africain à l’OMC suggère d’ailleurs qu’une telle obligation soit introduite dans l’article 29 de l’Accord sur les ADPIC (Document IP/C/W/404, 26 juin 2003), pour les dispositions relatives au droit des brevets.

L’on pourrait par exemple envisager que, lorsque l’obligation est violée et notamment, lorsque la mauvaise foi de l’inventeur est établie, les droits constitués puissent être systématiquement rétrocédés au profit des communautés autochtones concernées, sans préjudice des dommages et intérêt.

3. Les mécanismes de mise en œuvre
De manière générale, l’exigence de la divulgation d’origine apparaît comme la principale modification qui permettrait de minimiser les inconvénients de la protection des savoirs médicinaux traditionnels par les DPI, notamment le droit des brevets. Surtout, c’est au niveau des effets d’une telle exigence que l’on mesurerait la portée et la capacité de l’exigence à assurer cette protection. Mais l’unanimité n’est pas acquise sur les modalités de mise en œuvre de l’exigence et sur les sanctions les mieux adaptées (de Werra 2009) alors que la nécessité d’un instrument d’envergure internationale est reconnue. L’on craint notamment que l’introduction de l’obligation de divulgation d’origine entraine des conséquences négatives sur le système des brevets et décourage les déposants de les respecter (OMC, document IP/C/M/49). Mais l’on peut objecter à cela que le principe de bonne foi est un principe général du commerce international et que, le véritable inventeur n’a pas à douter de sa création. De plus, la divulgation de l’origine de son invention n’enlèverait rien à l’originalité de son œuvre.

Nous pensons qu’une telle mesure présente de nombreux avantages :
- Elle assure le respect et l’accès à la médecine traditionnelle pour les populations qui en ont besoin ;
- Elle favorise l’innovation pharmaceutique en ne restreignant pas les recherches sur le matériel biologique et les savoirs traditionnels
- Elle consolide le principe de bonne foi dans le commerce international ;
- Elle favorise le respect des droits fondamentaux des communautés autochtones.

En raison du caractère éminemment transfrontière des ressources biologiques et des savoirs médicinaux des communautés traditionnelles, l’on doit cependant reconnaître qu’une grande coordination à l’échelle internationale est une condition essentielle de fonctionnement de ce mécanisme. Cette coordination pourrait s’appuyer sur un instrument juridique contraignant en matière de savoirs traditionnels ou, de manière plus pragmatique, sur un amendement de l’accord sur les ADPIC qui inclurait en même temps que l’obligation de divulgation d’origine, les sanctions de leur violation par différents acteurs. C’est dire que la volonté politique des Etats pour faire avancer les débats est nécessaire pour la réalisation durable du droit à la santé dans le respect des droits fondamentaux des communautés autochtones autant que des titulaires de DPI.

Bibliography and References

N. BINCTIN, Droit de la propriété intellectuelle, 3e éd., LGDJ, 2014, 928 p. Ph. BOURY, « Paludisme : une molécule ancestrale brevetée par des chercheurs français », Fréquence Terre, 16 février 2016, http://www.frequenceterre.com/2016/02/16/paludisme-une-molecule-ancestrale-brevetee-par-des-chercheurs-francais/. M. BRAHAM epse YOUSSFI, La divulgation d'origine des ressources génétiques et des savoirs traditionnels dans les demandes de brevet, Mémoire de Master spécialisé en Droit de la propriété intellectuelle, Université Tunis El Manar, 2005-2006, 82 p. J.-M. BRUGUIERE, Droit des propriétés intellectuelles, Ellipses, 2011. M. CHOUCHENA-ROJAS and al. (eds.), Disclosure Requirements: Ensuring Mutual Supportiveness between the WTO TRIPS Agreement and the CBD, IUCN and ICTSD, 2005. P.-A. COLLOT, « La protection des savoirs traditionnels, du droit international de la propriété intellectuelle au système de protection sui generis », Droit et cultures, 53/2007-1. Commission (britannique) des droits de propriété intellectuelle (CIPR), Intégrer les droits de propriété intellectuelle et la politique de développement, Londres, 2003. C. CORREA, - “Establishing a Disclosure of Origin Obligation in the TRIPS Agreement”, QUNO Occasional Paper 12, August 2003. - Intégration des considérations de santé publique dans la législation en matière de brevets des pays en développement, South Centre, 2001. J. DASHACO TAMBUTOH, “Intellectual Property Law Aspects of the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity – The Case of Traditional Medicine”, R.A.S.J. vol. 2, No. 1, 2001, p. 254. Ch. DUMESNIL, « Les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux pillés par le droit des brevets ? », RIDE 3/2012, p. 321 et s. A.-C. GAYET, « La protection du savoir traditionnel comme partie intégrante d'une nouvelle approche de la propriété intellectuelle », Lex Electronica, vol. 14 n°2 (Automne / Fall 2009). P. J. LOWE GNINTEDEM, - Droit des brevets et santé publique dans l’espace OAPI, Aix-en-Provence, Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille (PUAM), collection Horizons juridiques africains, vol. VIII, Décembre 2014, 448 p. - “Intellectual Property and Technology Transfer to African Countries: Is International Law a Beneficial Policy?”, in Theresa MOYO (ed.), Trade and Industrial Development in Africa: Rethinking Strategy and Policy, Dakar, CODESRIA, 2014, p. 225-244. - « L’équilibre des intérêts dans les systèmes sui generis de protection des savoirs traditionnels en Afrique », in Laurence BOY † (dir.), Les déséquilibres économiques et le droit économique, Larcier, coll. Droit/économie internationale, Décembre 2014, p. 169-181. OMC (Organisation mondiale du commerce), Groupe africain de l’OMC, Document IP/C/W/404 du 26 juin 2003. OMPI (Organisation mondiale de la propriété intellectuelle), - Document de synthèse concernant la propriété intellectuelle et les ressources génétiques, Comité intergouvernemental de la propriété intellectuelle relative aux ressources génétiques, aux savoirs traditionnels et au folklore (GRTKF), WIPO/GRTKF/IC/23, 23ème session, 4-8 février 2013. - OMPI, La propriété intellectuelle relative aux ressources génétiques, aux savoirs traditionnels et aux expressions culturelles traditionnelles, Publication de l’OMPI n° 933, 2012. - Savoirs traditionnels : besoins et attentes en matière de propriété intellectuelle – Rapport de l’OMPI sur les missions d’enquête consacrées à la propriété intellectuelle et aux savoirs traditionnels (1998-1999), OMPI, Genève, 2001. OMS, - « Médecine traditionnelle (MT) », Aide-mémoire N° 134, Révisé mai 2003. - Stratégie de l’OMS pour la Médecine traditionnelle (MT) pour 2002-2005, OMS, Genève, 2002. ONUSIDA, Des remèdes ancestraux pour une maladie nouvelle : L’intégration des guérisseurs traditionnels à la lutte contre le SIDA accroît l’accès aux soins et à la prévention en Afrique de l’Est, ONUSIDA, Collection Meilleures Pratiques de l’ONUSIDA, novembre 2002. D. A. POSEY et G. DUTFIELD, Le marché mondial de la propriété intellectuelle : droits des communautés traditionnelles et indigènes, CRDI et WWF, 1997. E. SACKEY, « L’aube d’un temps nouveau pour les dépositaires des savoirs traditionnels en Afrique », Magazine de l’OMPI, Décembre 2010, n° 6, p. 20-22. Southern Africa Network for Biosciences (SANBio), Traditional Knowledge and Plant Genetic Resources Guidelines, Southern Africa Network for Biosciences SANBio / NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency [SANBio/NEPAD Agency] 2012. J. de WERRA, “Fighting Against Biopiracy: Does the Obligation to Disclose in Patent Applications Truly Help?”, Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law Vol. 42, 2009, p. 155-158. D. ZOGRAFOS, “The Public Interest in the Globally Sustainable Information Society: the traditional knowledge debate”, E–Learning, Volume 3, Number 3, 2006, p. 489-490.

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem, University of Dschang_ A (English Translation)

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem, University of Dschang_ A (English Translation)

Name of Lead Author: Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem
Organization: University of Dschang
Country: Cameroon

Abstract

Intellectual property rights (IPR) grant a monopoly of use to the rights holder. With the adoption of the agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), the legal regulations of IPR have been undergoing a major change. By virtue of this legislation, all WTO member countries that wish to open up to world trade must harmonize their legislation with the minimum standards set forth in the Agreement. Consistently noted discrepancies in legislation can be measured in terms of conflicting principles: on the one hand, the holder of an IPR can contest importing and selling protected merchandise, if this business is conducted without his/her consent; on the other hand, one of the WTO’s core principles is free trade. Consequently, there is incompatibility between a form of protection of IPR and the principle of free movement of goods. However, parallel imports are one of the small mitigating measures permitted that foster access to health care. Recognition of parallel imports is of paramount importance to the majority of countries, whether developed or developing, as everyone must continuously meet the challenge of ever rising health care costs. This contribution is based on the principle that if IPR were to be exhausted internationally, this would not only promote access to drugs and health care technologies, but would also be in keeping with the position the WTO advocates regarding free trade. However, the issue around worldwide policy harmonization is economic, yet the decision is mainly political. In addition, the unintended consequences of such a measure on capacities for innovation for certain countries must be taken into consideration. Therefore, these concerns should be borne in mind when building a new global mechanism for exhausting IPR.

Submission

Parallel imports and international exhaustion of rights: harmonizing the system to provide access to health care

Access to health care is one of the major challenges facing today’s world. The cost of old diseases and new ones decimating populations is enormous, particularly in developing countries. Against this background, the necessity of finding appropriate and innovative solutions is widely considered an emergency. One of the solutions on the table is Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), since it is a driver of drug and health care technology research and innovation. At the same time, the system raises the suspicions of many of society’s stakeholders, who consider IPR a barrier to access to health care. To take into account these risks, the global trading system added a mechanism that slightly lessens the impact of IPR—the parallel imports mechanism.

Parallel imports refer to an import made without the authorization of the IPR holder of a protected product sold abroad by an IPR holder himself/herself, or by a duly authorized person. The rights holder has the exclusive right to use and to sell his/her product. The parallel imports mechanism refers to the importing of products outside the distribution networks duly negotiated by the IPR holder, or whomever s/he has authorized. This mechanism is considered crucial, particularly for developing countries where affordable access to health care remains an obstacle to the right to health care for patients. Unfortunately, there are great disparities in the current organization of the global trading system in this capacity.

1. The need to challenge the current discrepancies in the current global mechanism of parallel imports

To assess the discrepancies the current global system, one must first take a look at its context. Intellectual property rights (IPR) grant a monopoly of use to its rights holder. With the adoption of the agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), IPR legal regulations have been undergoing a major change, which has been affecting Trade (TRIPS Agreement). This legislation covers and extends the core obligations contained in the main international treaties with regard to intellectual property to all World Trade Organization (WTO) member countries. Currently, all WTO member countries that wish to open up to world trade must harmonize their legislation with the minimum standards set forth in the Agreement. Consistently noted discrepancies in legislation can be measured in terms of conflicting principles: on the one hand, the holder of an IPR can contest importing and selling protected merchandise, if this business is conducted without his/her consent; on the other hand, one of the WTO’s core principles is free trade. Consequently, there is incompatibility between a form of protection of IPR and the principle of free movement of goods.

The WTO laws do not allow it to come up with a clear-cut solution regarding this point. The following is stated in Article 6 of the TRIPS Agreement: “For the purposes of dispute settlement under this Agreement, subject to the provisions of Articles 3 and 4 nothing in this Agreement shall be used to address the issue of the exhaustion of intellectual property rights.” In other words, the question of exhaustion is ineligible for any recourse before the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the WTO, if it violates the TRIPS Agreement. The only reservations relate to violations of Article 3 on the principle of non-discrimination between nationals and foreigners with regard to protecting intellectual property rights, and to Article 4 on the treatment of the Most Favored Nation (MFN). The recognition that each country is free to choose its regime of rights of exhaustion was clearly recalled in Paragraph 5 d) of the 2001 Doha Declaration on the TRIPS agreement and public health: “the effect of the provisions in the TRIPS Agreement that are relevant to the exhaustion of intellectual property rights is to leave each Member free to establish its own regime for such exhaustion without challenge, subject to the MFN and national treatment provisions of Articles 3 and 4.”

The WTO’s passive position concerning the issue of exhaustion of rights poses a risk: it creates a power relationship between the parties that can influence the choices of WTO member States. And the weaker States do not have any possibility to go through legal channels to defend themselves. In these power relationships, developing countries (DCs) have woefully little negotiating power, and DCs continue to trample them (Botoy Ituku, 2007: Drahos, 2003). Consequently, one member State can use trade sanctions against another to punish them for their choice of exhaustion, the weaker States being unable to defend themselves before the DBS (Kraus, 2004).

In fact, the scope of parallel imports depends in large part on the regime of exhaustion that different Sates establish. According to the theory of exhaustion of rights, still called “ the first sale doctrine,” the first sale of a patented product exhausts the monopoly of the IPR holder with regard to the product being sold. As a result, the IPR holder cannot claim any additional right to his/her product once it is put on the market. S/he cannot prohibit its resale, or control its subsequent circulation for that matter. Three regimes are based on the theory of exhaustion of IPR—i.e. the regimes of national, regional and international exhaustion of rights. As things stand presently, various States around the world apply these regimes in different ways.

With regard to national exhaustion, the IPR holder does not have the right to control the commercial use of the products s/he puts on the market, or with his/her consent. However, s/he may oppose the import of original products sold abroad based on his/her exclusive right to import granted the IPR holder. In reality, adopting a regime of national exhaustion is tantamount to prohibiting parallel imports. Countries that have adopted this regime have in fact opted to isolate their market from foreign competition since they focus on protected products sold in both their national territory and abroad. For example, this is what United States and Switzerland have chosen.

When a country opts for regional exhaustion of patents, the right is exhausted after the first time a product is introduced on the market of one of the countries in the region. In this case, parallel imports are allowed between countries of the same region, but not when they come from countries outside this region. This regime is used in the European Union (EU) and in the member countries of the African Regional Intellectual Property Organization (ARIPO).

The principle of international exhaustion means that the patent right is exhausted as soon as the patent holder sells the product, or gives his/her consent, anywhere in the world. Third parties can therefore import, if the price charged in the foreign country turns out to be better than that charged in the national or regional space. International exhaustion is the most lax form of parallel imports. Several developed countries recognize the principle of international patent exhaustion. This is the case for Great Britain, Japan, Israel and New Zealand. A large number of developing countries too have adopted this model. In Africa, this is the case for South Africa, Kenya and Tunisia. In Latin America, countries in the Andean Group implementing this regime include: Argentina, Brazil, Nicaragua and Panama. In Asia, for example, India, Malaysia and Thailand are proponents of it.

We can therefore note that many countries with great industrial capacity have adopted the international regime of exhaustion of rights. Based on this, we can deduce that such a regime is not suited to developing countries.

It is possible, and indeed desirable, that within the WTO an amendment to be adopted is put forward to expand the mechanism of exhaustion of international rights. At the very least, adopting such a general principle would be in line with the WTO’s rules, which are based on the idea of eliminating all barriers to the free flow of goods and services across and within the borders of national territories for the benefit of global economic well-being (Abbott, 1998; Heath, 1999). And the net effect would be noticeable from the viewpoint of access to health care.

2. Impact on public health
Intellectual property poses risks by restricting access to public health care. This issue caused an unprecedented row in the international community in 1997, after pressure was put on the South African government to change an act (The “Medicines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act”, no. 90 of 1997), intended to improve the conditions of access to antiretroviral drugs. The provisions of this act notably empowered the Minister of Health to authorize and prescribe the terms for the parallel import of drugs patented in South Africa as well as the measure to be taken to provide affordable drugs to the greatest number of people. Before the Act went into effect, multinational pharmaceutical companies took the South African government to court to prevent its implementation (High Court of Pretoria, Case 4183/9: Pharmaceutical company lawsuit (forty-two applicants) against the government of South Africa (ten respondents)), on the ground that it violated the TRIPS agreement. The hearing focused on, among other things, the legitimacy of the use of parallel imports. It should be noted that the case had mainly a political outcome, and it was not brought before the WTO for South Africa’s violation of the TRIPS agreement. At the very least, this conflict again put the spotlight on the impact IPR can have on the rising price of health products (Lowé Gnintedem, 2014).

The possibility of allowing parallel imports is of paramount importance for the majority of countries, developed and developing alike, which must face the challenges of continuously spiking health care costs. It presumes that medications can be bought in countries where the prices are lower with a view to meeting patient needs. Furthermore, the particularly weak pharmaceutical industrial base in most developing countries warrants this position inasmuch as, due to the lack of imports, the availability of health care products on the market is often scarce, given the low incomes of these populations. Simultaneously, it can be argued that such a position could reinforce healthy competition between the existing local industries. Actually, these local industries might be jeopardized if they are required to buy their production inputs exclusively from a local distributor, who would impose higher prices than on the foreign markets (Correa, 2007).

Worldwide harmonizing of global parallel imports by adopting international exhaustion of IPRs would create the possibility for all States to have regular access to the available health care that their populations need.

3. Impact on human rights
By facilitating access to health care, global harmonization of the regime of international exhaustion of IPRs would have an immediate impact on compliance with the right to health for these populations. In general comment no. 14 (2000), on the right to health, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR), which monitors the application of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), it is indicated that the right to health stands on four pillars: availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality. Unquestionably, parallel imports facilitate accessibility and availability of health products.

At the same time, it must be stressed that respecting the right to health must also take into account the right of everyone to benefit from the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from his/her inventions, which is also enshrined in international instruments, and is the subject of the CESCR’s General Comment no. 17 (2005). Does this suggest that there is a single source of conflict in exercising these distinct rights?

In the preamble of the UN General Assembly resolution on International Covenants on Human Rights (Resolution A/RES/62/147, March 4, 2008), it is recalled that “all human rights and fundamental freedoms are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated, that they should be treated in a fair and equal manner, on the same footing and with the same emphasis, and that the promotion and protection of one category of rights should never exempt or excuse States from the promotion and protection of the other rights.” At the same time, intellectual property rights mainly protect corporate interests and investments. This is why the CESCR emphasizes that the scope of protection of moral and material interests of authors provided for in Article 15, § 1 c) of the ICESCR “does not necessarily coincide with what is referred to as intellectual property rights under national legislation or international agreements” (General Comment no. 17 (2005), § 2 et 3). The right to health reflects the protection of the condition of a person, which is not of the realm of worldly possessions, or trade, but rather of human existence. This is why that while protecting interests of IPR holders it is crucial to give priority to respecting the right to health of human beings.

4. Implementing international exhaustion of intellectual property rights
From a technical standpoint, harmonizing the parallel imports regime is a legal issue. However, it must be acknowledged that while the issue is economic, the decision is mainly political. The WTO is the most appropriate body to enact change in the current system, in particular by revising the TRIPS Agreement.

Another difficulty also must be pointed out. This is that expanding parallel imports may carry the seeds of untoward consequences for innovation in developing countries. It is widely acknowledged that the most sustainable solution for access to health care remains developing local production capacities—notably, the existence of pharmaceutical industries. However, in the context of developing countries, many diseases are still ignored, and even totally neglected. Because these populations are poor, and because this market is not very lucrative, there is little financial incentive for the pharmaceutical industries of mainly industrialized countries to invest in research and development for diseases affecting developing nations. This means that as there are no drugs and other related medical infrastructure, the parallel import mechanism becomes less effective, and the right to health suffers a major setback.

This is why, global harmonizing of the international exhaustion regime remains crucial. If we consider this to be a central principle, we can also easily imagine exceptions, which are quite common in international trade. Moreover, we could devise protective measures as it is necessary to develop a productive branch of the pharmaceutical sector in the developing world. Negotiations with a view to revising the TRIPS Agreement must therefore include and frame limited exceptions to the unified regime of parallel imports.

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem_A (Original Language)

Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem_A (Original Language)


Framing Questions for Panel Members

  1. Do you recommend that this contribution:

    1. Be shortlisted for further consideration during the hearings and dialogue

    2. Is relevant and of interest to the mandate of the High-Level Panel and be taken into consideration as part of their deliberation

    3. Is not relevant

  2. Does the contribution strengthen policy coherence to promote innovation and access to health technologies in relation to trade laws, human rights law, and public health objectives?

  3. Does the Contribution build on existing platforms (e.g. Patent Pools, Voluntary Licenses, Public Investments) to promote innovation and access to medicines?

  4. Does the contribution highlight challenges and solutions to stimulate and promote innovation and access in response to emerging and future global health emergencies?


Name of Lead Author: Patrick Juvet Lowe Gnintedem
Organization: University of Dschang
Country: Cameroon

Abstract

Les droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI) confèrent instaurent un monopole d’exploitation au bénéfice de leur titulaire. Leur réglementation juridique a connu une évolution majeure avec l’adoption de l’accord sur les ADPIC. En vertu de ce texte, tous les pays membres de l’OMC, désireux de s’ouvrir au commerce mondial, sont tenus d’aligner leur législation sur les normes minimales établies par l’Accord. L’incohérence, constamment soulignée, s’observe à l’aune de principes contradictoires : d’une part, le titulaire d’un DPI peut s’opposer à l’importation et à la commercialisation de marchandises protégées, si ces actes sont posés sans son consentement ; d’autre part, l’un des principes fondamentaux de l’OMC réside dans la libéralisation des échanges. Il en résulte une incompatibilité entre une forme de protection des DPI et le principe de la libre circulation des marchandises. Or, les importations parallèles constituent l’une des petites atténuations admises pour favoriser l’accès aux soins de santé. Leur reconnaissance est d’une importance capitale pour la plupart des pays, développés ou en développement, qui ne cessent de faire face à l’augmentation des dépenses dans le domaine de la santé. La présente contribution repose sur le principe que la généralisation mondiale du principe de l’épuisement international des DPI favoriserait non seulement l’accès aux médicaments et technologies de santé, mais seraient par ailleurs en accord avec la libéralisation des échanges prônée par l’OMC. Cependant, l’enjeu d’une telle harmonisation mondiale est économique et la décision essentiellement politique. En outre, les effets pervers d’une telle mesure sur les capacités d’innovation de certains pays doivent être envisagés. Il conviendrait donc de prendre en considération ces préoccupations dans la construction du nouveau régime d’épuisement des droits à l’échelle mondiale.

Submission

Importations parallèles et épuisement international des droits : pour une harmonisation du système mondial au service de l’accès aux soins de santé

L’accès aux soins de santé constitue l’un des défis majeurs du monde actuel. La charge des maladies anciennes et nouvelles qui déciment les populations est énorme, particulièrement pour les pays en développement. Dans ce contexte, la nécessité de trouver des solutions adaptées et innovantes est largement considérée comme une urgence. Parmi les solutions énoncées figurent les droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI), auxquels l’on a pu attribuer un rôle de moteur de la recherche et de l’innovation en matière de médicaments et de technologies de santé. En même temps, le système suscite la méfiance de nombreux auteurs et acteurs de la société qui la considèrent comme un obstacle à l’accès aux soins de santé. Pour tenir compte des risques évoqués, le système commercial mondial a intégré des mécanismes qui opèrent une petite atténuation aux DPI. Il en est ainsi du mécanisme des importations parallèles.

L’importation parallèle renvoie à une importation effectuée sans l’autorisation du titulaire d’un droit de propriété intellectuelle, d’un produit protégé, commercialisé à l’étranger par le titulaire du DPI lui-même ou par une personne dûment autorisée. Le titulaire du droit a le droit exclusif d’exploiter et de commercialiser son produit. Le mécanisme des importations parallèles renvoie donc à l’importation des produits en dehors des réseaux de distribution dûment négociés par le titulaire du DPI ou celui que celui-ci autorise. Ce mécanisme est considéré comme crucial, notamment pour les pays en développement où l’accès aux soins de santé à des coûts abordables reste un frein à la réalisation du droit à la santé des malades. Malheureusement, l’organisation actuelle du système commercial mondiale affiche des disparités énormes en la matière.

1. La nécessaire remise en cause de l’incohérence actuelle du régime des importations parallèles à l’échelle mondiale
Pour apprécier l’incohérence du système mondial actuel, il faut le resituer dans son contexte. Les DPI instaurent un monopole d’exploitation au bénéfice de leur titulaire. Leur réglementation juridique a connu une évolution majeure avec l’adoption de l’Accord sur les Aspects des Droits de Propriété Intellectuelle qui touchent au Commerce (Accord sur les ADPIC). Ce texte reprend et étend à tous les pays membres de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) les obligations de fond contenues dans les principaux traités internationaux en matière de propriété intellectuelle. Désormais, tous les pays membres de l’OMC, désireux de s’ouvrir au commerce mondial, sont tenus d’aligner leur législation sur les normes minimales établies par l’Accord. L’incohérence, constamment soulignée, s’observe à l’aune de principes contradictoires : d’une part, le titulaire d’un DPI peut s’opposer à l’importation et à la commercialisation de marchandises protégées, si ces actes sont posés sans son consentement ; d’autre part, l’un des principes fondamentaux de l’OMC réside dans la libéralisation des échanges. Il en résulte une incompatibilité entre une forme de protection des DPI et le principe de la libre circulation des marchandises.

Le droit de l’OMC ne permet pas d’élaborer une solution tranchée sur ce point. L’article 6 de l’Accord sur les ADPIC énonce ainsi : « Aux fins du règlement des différends dans le cadre du présent accord, sous réserve des dispositions des articles 3 et 4, aucune disposition du présent accord ne sera utilisée pour traiter la question de l'épuisement des droits de propriété intellectuelle ». En d’autres termes, la question de l’épuisement est exclue de tout recours en violation de l’Accord sur les ADPIC devant l’Organe de règlement des différends (ORD) de l’OMC. Les seules réserves sont relatives aux atteintes à l’article 3 sur le principe de non-discrimination entre nationaux et étrangers en matière de protection des droits de propriété intellectuelle, et à l’article 4 sur le traitement de la Nation la plus favorisée (NPF). La reconnaissance que chaque pays choisit librement son régime d’épuisement des droits a été clairement rappelée par le Paragraphe 5 d) de la déclaration de Doha sur l’Accord sur les ADPIC et la santé publique de 2001 : « L’effet des dispositions de l’Accord sur les ADPIC qui se rapportent à l'épuisement des droits de propriété intellectuelle est de laisser à chaque Membre la liberté d'établir son propre régime en ce qui concerne cet épuisement sans contestation, sous réserve des dispositions en matière de traitement NPF et de traitement national des articles 3 et 4 ».

La position passive de l’OMC en ce qui concerne la question de l’épuisement des droits présente un risque : elle renvoie les parties aux rapports de force qui peuvent influencer les Etats membres de l’OMC dans leur choix sans qu’il soit possible de recourir à une voie de droit pour se défendre. Or, dans ces rapports de force, puisque les PED disposent malheureusement d’un pouvoir de négociation faible, ils subissent presque toujours un écrasement par les pays développés (Botoy Ituku, 2007 : Drahos, 2003). En conséquence, un Etat membre peut recourir à des sanctions commerciales à l’encontre d’un autre Etat pour réprimer son choix de l’épuisement sans que ce dernier puisse se défendre devant l’ORD (Kraus, 2004).

En effet, l’étendue des importations parallèles dépend largement du régime de l’épuisement des droits consacré par les différents Etats. D’après la théorie de l’épuisement des droits, encore appelé « the first sale doctrine », la première vente du produit breveté épuise le monopole du titulaire du DPI sur le bien objet de la vente. Ainsi, il n’a plus aucun droit sur son produit une fois qu’il l’a mis sur le marché. Il ne peut en interdire la revente, ni en contrôler la circulation ultérieure. Trois régimes sont rattachés à la théorie de l’épuisement des DPI : le régime de l’épuisement national, celui de l’épuisement régional et enfin le régime de l’épuisement international des droits. En l’état actuel, ces régimes sont diversement appliqués par différents Etats dans le monde.

En vertu du principe de l’épuisement national, le titulaire du DPI n’a pas le droit de contrôler l’exploitation commerciale des produits mis sur le marché national par lui-même ou avec son consentement. Il peut par contre s’opposer à l’importation de produits originaux commercialisés à l’étranger sur la base de son droit exclusif à l’importation conféré par le DPI. En réalité, l’adoption d’un régime d’épuisement national du droit des brevets correspond à une interdiction des importations parallèles. Les pays qui suivent ce régime choisissent en fait d’isoler leur marché de la concurrence étrangère portant sur des produits protégés vendus aussi bien sur le territoire national qu’à l’étranger. Tel est le choix opéré par les Etats-Unis d’Amérique et la Suisse.

Lorsqu’un pays a opté pour un régime d’épuisement régional des brevets, le droit est épuisé après la première mise en circulation du produit sur le marché de l’un des pays de ladite région. Dans cette hypothèse, les importations parallèles sont autorisées entre les pays d’une même région, mais ne le sont pas lorsqu’elles proviennent de pays extérieurs à ladite région. Ce régime est appliqué au sein de l’Union Européenne (UE) et dans les pays membres de l’Organisation Africaine de la Propriété Intellectuelle (OAPI).

Le principe de l’épuisement international signifie que le droit des brevets est épuisé une fois que le produit a été commercialisé par le titulaire du brevet ou avec son consentement dans n’importe quelle partie du monde. Les tiers peuvent donc l’importer si le prix pratiqué dans le pays étranger s’avère être plus avantageux que celui pratiqué dans l’espace national ou régional. L’épuisement international est la forme la plus permissive des importations parallèles. Plusieurs pays développés reconnaissent le principe de l’épuisement international du brevet. C’est le cas du Royaume Uni, du Japon, d’Israël et de la Nouvelle Zélande. Un plus grand nombre encore de PED l’ont consacré. C’est le cas en Afrique, de l’Afrique du Sud, du Kenya, de la Tunisie. En Amérique Latine, l’on citera par exemple les pays du Groupe Andin, l’Argentine, le Brésil, le Nicaragua et le Panama. En Asie, l’on a par exemple l’Inde, la Malaisie et la Thaïlande.

Ainsi qu’on peut l’observer, de nombreux pays disposant pourtant d’une capacité industrielle élevée adoptent le régime de l’épuisement international des droits. L’on peut en déduire qu’un tel régime ne convient pas uniquement aux pays en développement.

Il est possible et même souhaitable qu’au sein de l’OMC, un amendement tendant à généraliser le mécanisme de l’épuisement international des droits soit adopté. L’adoption d’un tel principe général serait, pour le moins, en conformité avec les règles de l’OMC, qui procèdent de l’idée de base que l’élimination de toutes les barrières aux mouvements des biens et services à travers et dans les limites des territoires nationaux est bénéfique pour le bien-être économique global (Abbott, 1998 ; Heath, 1999). L’effet n’en serait que notable du point de vue de l’accès aux soins de santé.

2. L’impact sur la santé publique
La propriété intellectuelle présente des risques de restriction de l’accès aux soins de santé publique. Cette question a soulevé un émoi sans précédent dans la communauté internationale dès 1997 suite aux pressions faites sur le gouvernement sud-africain afin qu’il modifie une loi (The “Medecines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act”, N° 90 of 1997) visant à améliorer les conditions d’accès aux antirétroviraux. Cette loi comportait plusieurs éléments dont des dispositions qui habilitaient notamment le Ministre de la santé à autoriser et prescrire les conditions d’importation parallèle de médicaments faisant l’objet de brevets en Afrique du Sud sur les mesures à prendre pour assurer la fourniture d’un plus grand nombre de médicaments abordables. Avant que la Loi sur les médicaments ne prenne effet, des multinationales pharmaceutiques entreprennent d’engager une action contre le gouvernement sud-africain afin d’en interdire la mise en œuvre (High Court of Pretoria, Case 4183/9: Pharmaceutical company lawsuit (forty-two applicants) against the government of South Africa (ten respondents)), au motif entre autres que la loi violait l’accord sur les ADPIC. Le débat portait entre autres sur la légitimité du recours aux importations parallèles. L’on notera que l’affaire a connu un règlement plutôt politique, et n’a pas été portée devant l’OMC pour violation par l’Afrique du Sud de l’Accord sur les ADPIC. Pour le moins, ce conflit a permis un regain d’intérêt sur l’impact que les DPI peuvent avoir sur l’augmentation du prix des biens de santé (Lowé Gnintedem, 2014).

La possibilité d’admettre les importations parallèles est d’une importance capitale pour la plupart des pays, développés ou en développement, qui ne cessent de faire face à l’augmentation des dépenses dans le domaine de la santé. Elle suppose l’achat de médicaments dans des pays où le prix est le moins élevé possible en vue de satisfaire la demande des patients. Par ailleurs, la faiblesse particulière du tissu industriel pharmaceutique de la plupart des PED justifie cette position dans la mesure où, en l’absence d’importations, la disponibilité des biens de santé sur le marché serait peu ou pas assuré en produits accessibles compte tenu des revenus des populations. En même temps, l’on a pu évoquer qu’une telle posture pourrait renforcer une saine concurrence entre les industries locales existantes. En effet, ces dernières seraient mises en danger si elles étaient obligées d’acheter les intrants de leur production exclusivement auprès d’un distributeur local qui leur imposerait des prix plus élevés que sur les marchés étrangers (Correa, 2007).

L’harmonisation mondiale du régime des importations parallèles par l’adoption de l’épuisement international des DPI ouvrirait à tous les Etats la possibilité d’accéder régulièrement aux soins de santé disponibles dont leurs populations ont besoin.

3. L’impact sur les droits de l’homme
L’harmonisation au niveau mondial du régime de l’épuisement international des DPI aurait, par la facilitation de l’accès aux soins de santé, un impact immédiat sur le respect du droit à la santé des populations. Dans cette observation générale n° 14 (2000) sur le droit à la santé, le Comité des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels (CODESC), qui surveille l’application du Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels (PIDESC), a indiqué les quatre éléments qui composent le droit à la santé : la disponibilité, l’accessibilité, l’acceptabilité et la qualité. Sans doute, les importations parallèles facilitent l’accessibilité et la disponibilité des produits de santé.

En même temps, il faut souligner que le respect du droit à la santé doit également tenir compte du droit de l’homme à la protection des intérêts moraux et matériels découlant de ses inventions, également consacré par les instruments internationaux et faisant l’objet de l’Observation générale n° 17 (2005) du CODESC. Faut-il voir dans l’exercice simultané de ces droits distincts une source de conflit ?

Dans le préambule de sa résolution sur les pactes internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’homme, l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies (Résolution A/RES/62/147, 4 mars 2008) a rappelé que « tous les droits de l’homme et toutes les libertés fondamentales sont universels, indissociables, interdépendants et intimement liés, qu’ils doivent être considérés comme d’égale importance, et qu’il faut se garder de les hiérarchiser ou d’en privilégier certains, et que la promotion et la protection d’une catégorie de droits ne sauraient en aucun cas dispenser ou décharger les États de l’obligation de promouvoir et protéger les autres droits ». En même temps, les droits de propriété intellectuelle protègent principalement les intérêts et les investissements des milieux d’affaires et des entreprises. C’est pourquoi le CODESC souligne que l’étendue de la protection des intérêts moraux et matériels des auteurs prévue par l’article 15, § 1 c) du PIDESC « ne coïncide pas nécessairement avec les droits de propriété intellectuelle au sens de la législation nationale ou des accords internationaux » (Observation générale n° 17 (2005), § 2 et 3). Le droit à la santé traduit la protection d’un état de la personne, qui ne relève ni du domaine de l’avoir, ni de l’échange, mais de l’être. C’est pourquoi, tout en préservant les intérêts des titulaires de DPI, il est important de privilégier le respect du droit à la santé des êtres humains.

4. Mise en œuvre de l’épuisement international des droits de propriété intellectuelle
D’un point de vue technique, l’harmonisation régime des importations parallèles est une problématique juridique. Cependant, l’on doit reconnaître que l’enjeu est économique et la décision essentiellement politique. L’OMC est l’instance la plus appropriée pour introduire un changement dans le système actuel, à travers notamment une révision de l’Accord sur les ADPIC.

Une autre difficulté peut être soulignée. C’est que la généralisation des importations parallèles porte potentiellement les germes d’un effet pervers en matière d’innovation dans les pays en développement. En effet, il est largement admis que la solution la plus durable pour l’accès aux soins de santé reste le développement des capacités de production locale, notamment l’existence d’industries pharmaceutiques. Or, dans le contexte des pays en développement, de nombreuses maladies restent négligées et même très négligées. Parce que les populations sont pauvres et donc, que le marché n’est pas très productif, la recherche-développement portant sur ces maladies n’est pas très souvent développée par les industries pharmaceutiques provenant pour la plupart des pays industrialisés. Il s’ensuit que, faute pour les médicaments y relatifs d’exister, le mécanisme des importations parallèles perd son efficacité et le droit à la santé en prend un sérieux coup.

L’harmonisation mondiale du régime de l’épuisement international des droits garde cependant toute son importance. Si on la considère comme le principe, l’on pourra également envisager des exceptions qui, d’ailleurs, ne sont pas rares dans le commerce international. Ainsi pourrait-on envisager des mesures de sauvegarde lorsqu’il est nécessaire de développer une branche productive du secteur pharmaceutique. Les négociations en vue d’une révision de l’accord sur les ADPIC devront intégrer et encadrer des exceptions limitées au régime unifié des importations parallèles.

Bibliography and References

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Philip Leitman, NTM Info and Research

Philip Leitman, NTM Info and Research

Lead Author: Philip Leitman
Organization: NTM Info and Research
Country: USA

Submission

Re: UN Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Access to Medicines, Request for Contribution Submission

To Whom It May Concern:

On behalf of patients with nontuberculous mycobacterial (NTM) lung disease (pulmonary NTM disease), as well as the researchers and physicians, NTM Info & Research (NTMir) urges the United Nations to recognize NTM as an emerging health threat around the world. NTMir is a nonprofit, 501(c)(3) organization formed on behalf of patients with NTM lung disease for the purpose of patient support, medical education, and research. We are the only organization focused specifically on this disease, and we have been at the forefront for over a decade. As a national organization, we serve as the voice of the patients within our community and help serve patient communities in various countries around the world, and offer our flagship publication in eight languages for the benefit of patients and physicians.

Though the NTM patient cohort was previously thought to skew towards women, we now see it impacting more men and more children, and we see more examples of differing patient populations in various regions of the world. NTMs, of which there are more than 100 species, are a naturally occurring pathogen, found in both soil and water including potable water supplies. Thus anyone who is vulnerable to developing an infection, which includes people with lung scarring from previously treated diseases such as tuberculosis, is also vulnerable to developing an NTM lung infection in the future.

At a recent meeting with the U.S. Food & Drug Administration, the agency heard testimony from both patients and experts that improved surveillance and diagnostics, as well as new therapies are urgently needed. Based on current evidence, leading physicians and researchers believe that the diagnosis rate is increasing by 8% per year in the U.S. Unfortunately this rate is likely higher, but due to lack of population surveillance we don’t know by how much more.

NTM lung infection presents an even greater challenge in developing nations, where laboratories often lack both the equipment and training to properly differentiate between NTM and multi-drug resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB), resulting in improper diagnosis and treatment of the patient. One physician in Cambodia estimates that upwards of 40% of the MDR-TB cases in his region are, in fact, misdiagnosed NTM cases. This is critical because while both diseases are caused by mycobacteria, the treatment protocols are distinctly different for the two diseases.

The problem in Cambodia may be the tip of the iceberg. Lack of knowledge, lack of proper surveillance, lack of training, and lack of access to the medicines needed to treat this disease all present formidable challenges to dealing with NTM as the threat of it grows worldwide. Presently there is no way to calculate what the cost would be to address any of these issues, as it is a global problem, growing in scope, which must be addressed one issue at a time. A fundamental public health objective must be surveillance of global populations to determine the scope of the problem, including geographic distributions of the various strains of NTM, before we can formulate a comprehensive strategy to address shortcomings in diagnostics and treatments in various regions.

Sincerely,

Philip Leitman
President & Co-Founder, NTM Info & Research

Iris Isabel Lopez, CONASIDA/AMUGEN (English Translation)

Iris Isabel Lopez, CONASIDA/AMUGEN (English Translation)

Name of Lead Author: Iris Isabel López
Organization: CONASIDA/AMUGEN
Country: Guatemala

Abstract

It has been reported in the communications media, during the time of intermittent shortages, Guatemala had the most expensive ARV [antiretroviral treatment] of all countries in the region due to the intellectual property of antiretroviral drugs. Since 2007, I have supported Guatemala in seeking antiretroviral treatment for persons with HIV, with the support of Aid for Aids, we have succeeded in mitigating the need in the three treatment plans. Intellectual property protection of drug molecules such as lopinavir/ritonavir has been a constant struggle, because it has been used for some 2000 patients, including 81 pregnant women 205 children for the presentation of Kaletra. This makes it necessary to invoke the human rights of life and health, and with the support of the World Fund, it was possible to purchase and supply the drug until 2015. According to comparative studies, [if?] acquired through local purchasing the cost would be $128.00, if acquired with the Revolving Fund its cost would be $80.00, through the World Fund $60.00, and if generic drugs were used their cost would be approximately $34.00. The Constitutionality Court is currently protecting a drug distribution company by prohibiting the entry of generic drugs, and these are beneficial since they meet the criteria of the World Health Organization [for] biosafety, bioequivalence, quality and lowest cost; this latter criteria affords greater coverage with lower investment, thus ensuring quality of life. Guatemalan law favors International Law with regard to Human Rights, and therefore the right to life and health must be considered critical in the acquisition of drugs, particularly because, if one is living with HIV, there are other degenerative diseases requiring treatment that are not covered by the Guatemalan government.

Submission

Corruption in Guatemala has affected the Public Health system, violating Human Rights.

Articles 93 to 95 of the Political Constitution of Guatemala recognize the Right to Health. “Right to health. The enjoyment of health is a fundamental human right, with no discrimination whatsoever.”

Article 94.- State obligation for health and social assistance. The State shall seek to ensure the health and social assistance of all inhabitants. Through its institutions, it shall promote relevant actions for prevention, promotion, recovery, rehabilitation, coordination and complementary actions to obtain for them more complete physical, mental and social wellbeing.

Article 95.- Health, a public good. The health of the Nation’s inhabitants is a public good. All persons and institutions are required to seek to maintain and restore it.

And Article 98.- Community participation in health programs. Communities have the right and duty to participate actively in planning, executing and assessing health programs. This guarantees and forces organized civil society to actively participate in the quest for the common good.

With regard to access to retroviral drugs, there are four distinct scenarios:

1. Acquisition of antiretroviral drugs and the law that has been amended to be able to make hospital admittance [internación] purchases, since the law violated and prevented purchase by the OPS [Organization of Pan-American States]/WHO Strategic Fund.

2. Registration of drugs with intellectual property, from their development molecule, to the detriment of individuals with HIV, one example [being] Lopinavir/Rotonavir and Kaletra in the case of childhood HIV.

3. Third-line antiretroviral treatment methods which, over three years, have benefited from international donations from Aid for Aids and Aids Healthcare Foundation

4. Support to protects and benefit specific healthcare businesses that sell pharmaceutical products at exorbitant prices, and that seek to prevent the use of lower-cost generic drugs. Acquisition of antiretroviral drugs and the law that has been amended to allow for hospital admittance purchases, since the law violated and prevented purchase by the OPS/WHO.

1. Generic drugs, especially antiretrovirals, are acquired by the OPS Revolving Fund, under Guatemalan law drugs must be purchased in accordance with the requirements of the State Contracting Law (Decree 57-92), and must be posted to the Government Acquisitions and Contracting System (GUATECOMPRAS).

In previous years this process was limited to the acquisition of antiretrovirals and other drugs distributed by the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance to the low-income population to address the morbidity rates from which they suffer.

From 2012 to 2014 it became necessary to include the amendment to Article 5 revising Articles 22 and 25 of Decree 57-92, but in order to avoid being reminded each year of its inclusion; Instrument 09-2015 issued by the Congress of the Republic of Guatemala that contains revisions to said State Contracting Law Decree 57-92 (Article 25 adds Article 54 bis Reverse Auction): “b) The Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance and the Guatemalan Social Security Institute may directly acquire vaccines, antiretroviral drugs, family planning methods, pharmaceuticals, micro-nutrients, surgical and laboratory supplies, with the support of international agreements or treaties entered into with the following agencies: The Pan-American Health Office/ World Health Organization (OPS/WHO); agencies of the United Nations System, the World Fund; 1 United Nations Population Fund (UNPF), or by regional negotiation of prices carried out by the Office of the Executive Secretary of the Council of Ministers of Health of Central America and the Dominican Republic (COMISCA). Execution of these negotiations will be subject to the terms of the signed contractual instruments.”

Still pending is development of the regulation and its regulation, which shall be the responsibility of the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance, which seeks the option for hospital admittance purchases with the lowest cost and greatest coverage, and thus more individuals will be able to acquire quality drugs.

Registration of drugs with intellectual property, from their development molecule, to the detriment of individuals with HIV, one example [being] Lopinavir/Rotonavir and Kaletra in the case of childhood HIV.

There is the precedent of a pharmaceutical firm that, for ten years, enforced the intellectual property of a manufactured Lopinavir/Ritonavir molecule, including the pediatric drug known as Kaletra, this directly affected individuals with HIV receiving this treatment, because of its expense, and at a certain point, despite arguing with them to protect human rights to life and health, they threatened prohibit entry of the drugs and to file international claim against the Guatemalan government. UNOPS tried to mediate with the pharmaceutical and despite the harm to persons with HIV due to their not receiving the drugs on time, they were insensitive as they were protecting their private interests.

An attempt was made to correct this situation through the Legal Office of the Public Health and Social Assistance Ministry, the HIV Subsidy of the World Fund for AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria Project, and the Multisectoral National Commission of Organizations Seeking and Working to Prevent STD/HIV/AIDS (CONASIDA), based on and invoking human rights, which prevail over domestic human rights law in Guatemala.

The drug Lopinavir/Ritonavir is used in the treatment of HIV, the action mechanisms consists of inhibiting protease, a protein that plays an important role in the virus’ life cycle, particularly in its replication phase. Lopinavir itself breaks down rapidly in the organism, and the goal of combining it with Ritonavir is to slow down this process and increase the amount of time lopinavir remains in the bloodstream.

On September 15, 2000, the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved Lopinavir/Ritonavir in capsule and liquid form for use with other antiretrovirals in the treatment of infection by HIV in adults and children over 6 months of age. Lopinavir/Ritonavir in tablet form was approved by the FDA on October 28, 2005.

Guatemala’s indication is for treatment of infection by HIV; in this country there are two pharmaceutical forms registered by Abbott: 1) Tablets (Lopinavir 200 mg + Ritonavir 50 mg) and 2) oral solution (Lopinavir 80 mg + Ritonavir 20 mg). The treatment guides published by the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance in 2010 consider it a first-line treatment for pregnant women and second-line with the treatment failure of a first-line system; it is also considered first line only when neither Efavirenz nor Nevirapina can be used for some reason, in combination with Zidovudina and Lamivudina, the antiretrovirals of choice to initiate ARV treatment.

We note that the purchase cost of brand name drugs in Guatemala is considered high despite the fact that the majority are acquired through the Pan-American Health Organization (OPS/OMS) Strategic Fund; the main reasons for this are the extension and protection of invention patents and test data in favor of the pharmaceutical houses. An example of these are the drugs Lopinavir/ritonavir (ALUVIA) and Emtricitabina + tenofovir (TRUVADA)

To this end, the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance has raised the need to provide high-quality and low-price drugs, and thus it published Ministerial Agreement 472-2012 (August 13, 2012) declaring the drug Lopinavir/Ritonavir as being of high therapeutic interest and without any interest in its sale and marketing.

The Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance of the Republic of Guatemala is the main recipient of the so-called intensification subsidy of HIV-AIDS Prevention and Treatment Activities in Vulnerable Groups and Priority Areas of Guatemala, financed by the World Fund; through this donation, and with the express approval of the Global Fund, it will acquire the generic version of the drug Lopinavir/Ritonavir.

To this end, UNOPS will act as Purchasing Agent to support the government of Guatemala in the process of acquiring said drug so as to guarantee the treatment of 1,652 patients, including pregnant women, and to rescue patients through the supply, provision and timely distribution to other beneficiaries of the STD, HIV and AIDS Program, who use the drug to contribute to maintaining adequate treatment coverage.

UNOPS has been officially requested to undertake the acquisition of an initial batch of 11,071 bottles of generic Lopinavir/Ritonavir. The specified content of each bottle is 120 tablets and each tablet has a certified concentration of 200/50 mg of the active ingredient Lopinavir/Ritonavir. In a separate document, the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance has provided the technical specifications to UNOPS and has requested that the shipping and billing documents be accompanied by the original quality certificate of the production batch or batches; a single photocopy of the good manufacturing practices certificate issued by the regulatory authority of the country of origin; and a single photocopy of the certificate for the free marketing of pharmaceutical products (OPS/OMS type) with documents in addition to those required for importation, given the high therapeutic interest.

The importation of generic Lopinavir/Ritonavir will allow for the purchase of greater quantities of product compared to the purchase of brand-name drugs, which in relation to the price are equivalent to double the cost. This affords a better distribution of resources for the purchase of other antiretrovirals and thus guarantees the timely supply of inputs and improved access to treatment in Guatemala.

The generic version of this product is expected to be received in May of 2013; the drug is expected to clear customs with no problems whatsoever, and we are awaiting a possible response that the pharmaceutical company Abbott might take at this time in order to prevent admittance of this product to the country.

Attached is the table showing product prices in generic and brand name versions. Total purchases for one year of this product fluctuates between 21,000 and 26,000 bottles per year.

Product Type Price per Bottle
Generic $30.50
Abbott $62.04

The intellectual property expired in 2015 and it is necessary to ensure acquisition of antiretroviral therapy at standardized prices, since Guatemala purchases the treatments at the highest cost of any country of the region; Lidice López Tocón performed a study entitled “Tell me where you live and I will tell you the price of your treatment,” this analysis afforded a comparison of the costs of various drugs..

Third-line antiretroviral treatment methods which, over three years have benefited from international donations from Aid For Aids and Aids Healthcare Foundation

The problems of intermittent shortages in Guatemala that Aid for Aids has endured have specifically involved first-, second- and third-line plans. The pharmaceutical resistance of the drugs, whether due to interruption or prolonged use, necessarily requires undertaking third-generation monitoring, known as genotype.

In 2012 greater support was requested for a minor, who ended up being a direct beneficiary of Aid for Aids, who sent the third-line drugs, which have been beneficial and result in a very good quality of life. Upon completing the processing of the minor, there was already a list of 19 additional patients, most of them minors; the purchase of treatments through OPS requires an average of six months to receive the drugs in this country, and therefore it was necessary to request help and urgently offer them the treatments.

In 2013 and 2014, because the number of patients increased, they were unable to make timely projections and requested a search for donations of drugs; Aids Healthcare Foundation also offered third-line treatments.

The Guatemalan Social Security Institute (IGSS) has violated Human Rights and Decree 27-2000 [of the] General Plan for Combating the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) and the Promotion, Protection and Defense of Human Rights in the presence of HIV/AIDS, which are covered by the Guatemalan Social Security Institute (IGSS) for the receipt of said benefits, with no restrictions whatsoever on this right. Due to the chronic nature of HIV/AIDS infection, said benefits will be for life. However, they have transferred to HIV patients with MARAVIROC structure, known as the latest generation.

MARAVIROC is a drug that does not appear on the list of antiretroviral drugs acquired through the OPS/OMS Strategic Fund, and therefore it is necessary for the Public Health Ministry to acquire it through local purchases in amounts totaling over $1,280.00 US dollars per month per patient, the sad thing in the transfer of the HIV patients is that they do not maintain a clinical history with the criteria for supporting said treatment, and therefore at least one genotype is considered necessary, a recount of T CD4 lymphocytes and Viral Load, which could provide guidance as to whether another drug from another plan might work without harming the patient’s compliance and treatment.

Complete treatment cannot be denied to any person wanting it, but it is indeed necessary that the Antiretroviral and Opportunistic Infections Treatment Guide in Guatemala be standardized, which offers antiretroviral treatment combinations by plan.

Individuals with HIV were covered for guaranteeing antiretroviral treatment by both the Guatemalan Social Security Institute and the national cohort served by the Ministry of Public Health Social Assistance, due to the existence of corruption at the various levels, including Public Health.

Appeal protecting and benefiting specific health businesses that sell pharmaceutical products at high prices, with a view to preventing the use of lower-cost generic drugs.

Another situation of concern was the Appeal filed by J. I. Cohen, which was declared as having merit by the Honorable Magistrates of the Constitutionality Court on November 17, 2015.

The appeal filed by J. I. Cohen, S.A. (1569-2015 of 11/17/2015) benefits the interest of distributors of pharmaceutical products who ignore people’s wellbeing; it has been widely rejected by Guatemalan civil society, including the public health authorities, they have not declared it as without merit [sic].

Recently, in the first week of January 2016, in written media a PAID AD has been circulating stating: “J. I. Cohen, S.A. CLARIFIES the decision of the Constitutionality Court dated November 17, 2015, identified in the case 1569-2015, it applies [to] approximately 6% of registered products in Guatemala, as they do are not included within the Pharmacopeias (Article 19, Governing Agreement 712-99).

The Pharmacopeias contain thousands of active ingredients, which are the basis for the manufacture of generics registered in Guatemala, they are NOT subject to the decision of November 17 and therefore they are NOT required to present toxicological or clinical studies, since in basing their manufacture on the standards appearing in said pharmacopeias, the toxicological and clinical studies carried out by the innovator support their safety and efficacy. For the estimated 6% of products to which the Constitutionality Court decision applies, there are other treatment options and alternatives such as generic drugs forming part of the remaining 94% as they are already included in the pharmacopeias. Therefore, the entire population has and will continue to have access to safe and effective generic drugs of proven quality. Protecting the business of a minority of products that have not demonstrated their safety and efficacy not only endangers the population’s right to life and health, but also places at risk the basis of the order of all society by breaking the state of law. Guatemala, January 2016.”

In the case of persons with opportunistic infections caused by histoplasmosis, who were treated at San Juan de Dios Hospital, several persons with HIV died because they required the drug known as Anfotericine B, a drug for hospital use, approximately 13 patients required using it, the treatment per patient was 14 bottles with a value of $7.88 US dollars per bottles; however, when the hospital wanted to purchase it, the cost the local distributors offered was $131.40 dollars and they also added that it was scarce. In this case it may be evidenced that because of the drug’s high price and scarcity, the hospital was unable to offer patients adequate treatment, this situation cost lives and the case was brought to the Human Rights Prosecutor.

We are indignant at seeing how the judges protect the interests of specific healthcare businesses and there is a clear trampling of human rights, particularly the right to health and the right to life. In view of the above, it is inferred that there have both been violations of the rights of persons living with HIV, and that the very political constitution of the Republic of Guatemala has been violated.

Bibliography and References

Political Constitution of the Republic of Guatemala. 
http://www.ine.gob.gt/archivos/informacionpublica/ConstitucionPoliticadelaRepublicadeGuatemala.pdf

Universal Declaration of Human Rights
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0017/001790/179018m.pdf

State Contracting Act Decree 57-92
http://www.sice.oas.org/investment/NatLeg/GTM/ContratsEstado_s.pdf

Decree 09-2015 of the Congress of the Republic of Guatemala
http://www.congreso.gob.gt/manager/images/E2926A12-DAF2-44DC-10F1-DFBC6F22A787.pdf

State Procurement and Contracting System
http://www.guatecompras.gt/

Ministerial Agreement 472-2012
http://www.infile.com/leyes/visualizador_demo/index.php?id=66531

Study “Tell me where you live and I will tell you how much your treatment costs” by Lidice López T.
http://www.portalsida.org/repos/Un%20breve%20estudio%20sobre%20precios%20de%20ARV%20en%20Centroam%C3%A9rica.pdf

Appeal 1569-2015 in favor of J. I. Cohen
http://www.velocidadmaxima.com/forum/showthread.php?t=520047